Tag Archives: Venezuela

In Spite of Their Electoral Victory Venezuela’s Chavistas Prove Once Again They are Not Revolutionary Socialists

Once again the Chavistas have won a national election; once again they have won a vote of confidence from the workers and peasants of Venezuela, in spite of all the threats and economic sabotage and misery imposed upon the workers & peasants by US imperialism through its imposition of deadly economic sanctions designed to bring the revolutionary Venezuelan masses to their knees. It is good to see that the Venezuelan capitalist class was so certain that it would be soundly defeated at the polls once again that this time their largest parties refused to even participate in the elections. But the shrinking margin of victory for the Chavistas indicates that the patience of the workers and peasants of Venezuela is wearing thin. The economic crisis precipitated by US imperialist sanctions, designed, as in Chile in 1973, to “make the economy scream” and drive the workers and peasants into ever deeper misery are having their effect on the heroic willingness of the Venezuelan workers and peasants to endure any prolongation of the crisis. If the  economic crisis is not resolved in favor of the workers by the final overthrow of the Venezuelan capitalist class and their system and the establishment of a revolutionary socialist workers republic it is highly likely that the workers and peasants of Venezuela, driven to desperation, will abandon the Chavistas and the counter-revolution will have a golden opportunity to return to power. For 19 years the Chavistas have been squandering one of the most promising opportunities for a workers revolution in the history of the world; neither time nor historical precedent is on their side.

There are a lot of workers around the world who tell us that we are wrong to say that the Chavista government of Nicolas Maduro is not a revolutionary socialist government and that it should be replaced by a truly revolutionary socialist workers government. We say that the Chavistas, by their refusal to unequivocally overthrow capitalism in Venezuela have proved beyond a doubt that they are not revolutionary socialists but are in fact pro-capitalist bourgeois reformists.

The fake-socialists around the world who spout revolutionary Marxist phraseology but who themselves are nothing but pro-capitalist reformists lie to the workers and claim that the Chavistas are carrying out revolutionary reforms; that they are gradually moving in the direction of socialism; that they can not move any faster in the direction of socialism because of the threat of US military intervention – and a lot of other lies besides these. All of this pro-Chavista sycophanterie exposes these cheerleaders for the reformist Chavista movement as what they are: fake-socialists. Those who hide the truth from the eyes of the working class by providing fig leaves to cover the fundamentally pro-capitalist reformist nakedness of the Chavista movement – instead of exposing these pseudo-revolutionary poseurs for what they are – are traitors to the working class and can only serve to prop up the capitalist system – which is precisely what the Chavistas are doing. In spite of the fact that the vast majority of the Venezuelan working class and peasantry are demanding that the Chavistas put an end to the endless conspiracies of the pro-US Venezuelan capitalist class that wants to provoke a US military intervention that will drown the Venezuelan workers movement in blood, the Chavistas continue to play chicken with the counter-revolutionary Venezuelan capitalist class and their ruthless, worker-hating US imperialist masters. The political crisis in Venezuela will not continue to balance itself on the head of a pin for eternity; it has been in that position for almost two decades already. The situation must and will resolve itself in favor of one of the two contending classes engaged in this life-or-death struggle. All historical precedent shows that if the working class proves incapable of building a revolutionary leadership that will take power firmly and permanently into the hands of the workers, the capitalist class will eventually prevail – and the counter-revolution will come back to power over the bones of the workers and peasants.

The proof of the fundamentally reformist nature of the Chavistas is right in front of the eyes of the workers of Venezuela and the entire world. It is not hidden in any way; in fact it declares its existence loudly from the rooftops of the homes of the wealthy neighborhoods all over Venezuela. It’s cacaphonous bleatings are amplified by the bourgeois press of the entire world, 24/7/365! This proof of the Chavista’s deep commitment to the capitalist system despite all their claims to the contrary is embodied in one incontrovertible fact in the shape of the open existence of the counter-revolutionary parties of the Venezuelan bourgeoisie and their ability to agitate and conduct counterrevolutionary propaganda in word and deed, calling for a bloody overthrow of the Venezuelan reformist workers government by US imperialism – an opposition which remains an active and deadly threat to every Venezuelan worker and peasant, and which the Chavistas have steadfastly refused to suppress after 19 years in power!

Any truly revolutionary socialist – in other words, a revolutionary Trotskyist – government would have crushed this pro-US imperialism opposition long ago by outlawing all pro-capitalist political parties and by confiscating their press, radio and TV stations. Only those capitalists who wished to take part in the gradual transition from capitalism to socialism would be allowed to keep their property while that transition was underway. If the Chavistas were actually revolutionary socialists, those members of the capitalist class who dared to come out and organize active propaganda and conspiracies to overthrow the dictatorship of the proletariat would be immediately arrested and would have all of their property confiscated; they would then be put on trial for counterrevolutionary conspiracy against the workers government. They would face a choice: years in prison or exile. Those who were granted the mercy of the workers government and who then returned to counter-revolutionary activity would face more extreme measures which would conclusively put their conspiratorial careers to an end for all time. THIS is how an actual revolutionary socialist Trotskyist government would deal with these social parasites who represent merely the wealthiest 10% of Venezuelan society!

The bourgeois press of the world constantly pushes the lie that the pro-capitalist, pro-US imperialist “opposition” in Venezuela represents a large portion or even a majority of the population of Venezuela. This is a monstrous lie! In fact, the capitalist class and landed aristocracy of Venezuela represents – as in all capitalist countries, including the USA – only a tiny, insignificant minority of the population. This tiny minority of ruthless, arrogant, greed-maddened capitalists and landed aristocracy possesses perhaps 90% of the wealth of the Venezuelan nation. They would prefer that US imperialism invade Venezuela and slaughter every socialist worker and peasant in the nation than to give up even an acre of land or the tiniest fraction of their wealth to the workers and peasants whose labor-power produced that wealth and makes that land productive. The capitalist class of Venezuela is nothing less than a monstrous criminal conspiracy against the workers and peasants of Venezuela; and the Chavistas know it… hell every illiterate peasant in the country knows it to the very marrow of their bones! And yet the Chavistas – 16 years after first coming to power – STILL REFUSE TO OUTLAW THESE CRIMINALS AND CRUSH THEIR OPPOSITION BY SEIZING THEIR MONEY AND THEIR PROPERTY AND OUTLAWING THE PRO-CAPITALIST PARTIES! THIS is why we KNOW that the Chavistas are not socialist revolutionaries but mere craven petit-bourgeois reformists who will NEVER be able to do what is necessary to put an end once and for all to US imperialist threats to invade Venezuela – namely to overthrow the capitalist class and system and to establish the dictatorship of the working class of Venezuela through socialist revolution! There is no alternative to this!

Either the workers will rule or the bourgeoisie will rule. A perpetual continuation of the highly unstable and increasingly precarious status quo is completely impossible: the class struggle must be and will be resolved either in favor of the workers or of the US-backed capitalist class. To imagine a “third way” is possible is to merely kick the can down the road and to pave the way for an inevitable victorious counter-revolutionary bloodbath. The longer the Chavistas allow the Venezuelan capitalist counter-revolution to operate inside Venezuela the more economic sabotage will take place which will continue to drive down economic activity, prolonging and intensifying the economic crisis and increasing the misery of the workers and peasants. Workers and peasants can’t eat revolutionary phraseology and good intentions: they need a revolutionary socialist workers government that puts a decisive end to the counterrevolutionary sabotage of the nation’s economy and that will have the guts to press forward with the final overthrow of the Venezuelan capitalist class and the establishment of a revolutionary socialist workers republic. The longer the economic crisis is allowed to be perpetuated by the capitalist saboteurs and their American co-conspirators, the more the ability of the workers and peasants to put up with this misery will weaken. This is precisely what the Wall Street financier-criminals are counting on! Time is NOT on the side of the Venezuelan working class! If a truly revolutionary socialist political party, armed with a truly revolutionary programme does not supplant the reformist Chavista leadership soon, Venezuela will see the revolutionary tide ebb and the counter-revolution will get the upper hand. Then, a bloodbath will occur in Venezuela as happened in Chile in 1973, and it could be decades or even generations before the Venezuelan workers and peasants are able to make another bid for power.

It is long past the time when the pro-capitalist, pro-US imperialist counter-revolutionary conspiracy of the Venezuelan capitalist class was utterly crushed. The Chavistas obviously don’t have the guts to do it; the workers of Venezuela must waste no time in forming a revolutionary Trotskyist workers party capable of carrying out the tasks of the socialist revolution and of crushing the counter-revolutionary conspiracies of the Venezuelan capitalists and US imperialism permanently. It is literally a matter of life or death for the long-suffering workers and peasants of Venezuela.

— IWPCHI

 

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WikiLeaks US State Department Cables Reveal US Agency for International Development’s (USAID) Extensive Governmental Destabilization Efforts

We have read with interest the Guardian’s interview with Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro published this past week.  It is clear how extensive the impact of the WikiLeaks and Snowden revelations has been: people who have been paying attention to what has been revealed about the US Government’s global police-state operations are seeing right through the lies coming out of Washington in an endless stream.

No longer are people wondering ‘if” the United States is involved in destabilization efforts aimed at those governments the US does not like; everyone KNOWS that if any government is facing opposition from the right, the United States Embassy in that country is probably at the center of the unrest.  From the Ukraine to Venezuela, wherever the global investments of the US capitalist class are threatened, the US Government of that capitalist class is swinging into action with every weapon in their arsenal, from the seemingly innocuous (to the unaware) Agency for International Development to the CIA, NSA and the US Military.

Maduro credits WikiLeaks with having revealed documentary proof that the US Government is behind the right-wing provocateurs organizing street violence against the Maduro government.  Maduro told the Guardian that Venezuela has been on the receiving end of a type of ” ‘unconventional war that the US has perfected over the last decades’, citing a string of US-backed coups or attempted coups from 1960s Brazil to Honduras in 2009.”

“Speaking in the Miraflores presidential palace in Caracas, the former bus driver and trade union leader said Venezuela’s opposition had ‘the aim of paralysing the main cities of the country, copying badly what happened in Kiev, where the main roads in the cities were blocked off, until they made governability impossible, which led to the overthrow of the elected government of Ukraine.’ The Venezuelan opposition had, he said, a ‘similar plan'”:

“They try to increase economic problems through an economic war to cut the supplies of basic goods and boost an artificial inflation”, Maduro said. “To create social discontent and violence, to portray a country in flames, which could lead them to justify international isolation and even foreign intervention.”

“Pointing to the large increases in social provision and reduction in inequality over the past decade and a half, Maduro said: ‘When I was a union leader there wasn’t a single programme to protect the education, health, housing and salaries of the workers. It was the reign of savage capitalism. Today in Venezuela, the working class is in power: it’s the country where the rich protest and the poor celebrate their social wellbeing.’ ”

[Source: The Guardian (UK): “Venezuela protests are sign that US wants our oil, says Nicolás Maduro”, by Seumas Milne and Jonathan Watts, 8 April 2014]

These statements show that if Maduro’s bourgeois reformist government hasn’t taken the proper steps to lead the Venezuelan working class in a revolutionary struggle to overthrow capitalism in Venezuela, it’s not because they are unaware of the magnitude of the financial and political attacks coming from Washington, D.C.  In fact, the Guardian article makes it clear that Maduro is bedazzled by the kid gloves of the US’ mailed fist: NGOs peddling “peaceful, democratic reforms” in Venezuela, and is prepared to allow that Trojan Horse of counterrevolution – the Vatican  – to work its “magic” in a “peace process” that will negotiate a “settlement” between the vicious, greedy Venezuelan capitalist class and the Venezuelan workers.  No compromise is possible between the working class and the exploiting capitalist class!  Venezuelan workers: arm yourselves and prepare to overthrow capitalism in Venezuela! And if the Maduristas continue to bar the path to workers socialist revolution, they will have to be pushed aside as well!  Those who seek compromise with the capitalists are the enemies of the working class!

Last week, the Associated Press revealed that the supposedly benign United States Agency for International Development (USAID) – a US government agency that publicly pretends to be a “no strings attached” organization that provides food assistance and other forms of non-political aid – was actually behind a secret program to create social unrest in Cuba with the ultimate aim of overthrowing that Stalinist degenerated workers state.

As usual, the Democratic Party rushed to the assistance of USAID, which they cherish as one of their most effective propaganda operations and weapons in the US capitalist class never-ending efforts to crush militant workers movements wherever they arise.  Obscenely, the Cuban government’s propaganda mouthpiece, Granma, favorably quoted anticommunist US Democratic Senator Patrick Leahy’s and lapped up the crocodile tears he shed over the revelations:

“Democratic Senator Patrick Leahy from Vermont, chairman of the Senate sub-committee overseeing State Department and Foreign Operations, said that the revelations were troubling.

” ‘There is the risk to young, unsuspecting Cuban cellphone users who had no idea this was a U.S. government-funded activity,’ he pointed out.”  As if this craven servant of the US capitalist class gives a shit about the rights of Cuban workers – or any workers anywhere in the world!”

[Source: Granma: “Revelations about U.S. Operations in Cuba corroborate President Raúl Castro’s assertions“, 4 April, 2014]

Leahy and the rest of the Democrats want you to believe that USAID’s running a secret destabilization program against Cuba is some kind of anomalous activity for this organization: it is no such thing!  USAID has been running covert operations against workers all over the world since its inception; they were an integral component of the US Government’s war crimes in Vietnam, having participated in the infamous counterinsurgency and “pacification” programs in Vietnam.  USAID has been repeatedly embroiled in military assistance and “drug control” programs that the US Government has used to make an “end run” around those rare US Congressional bans on direct US military aid to death-squad governments.

DOCUMENTS:

1:  REPORT TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES: SURVEY OF INTERNAL  AUDITS AND INSPECTIONS RELATING TO UNITED STATES ACTlVlTIES IN VIET NAM (1966)

2:  REPORT TO THE CONGRESS: Suggestions For Changes In U.S. Funding And Management Of Pacification And Development Programs In Vietnam (1972)

 President Maduro was not imagining things when he said that WikiLeaks had proof of US organization of antigovernment programs in Venezuela:  the Guardian’s Seumas Milne, in an article his paper published on 9 April,  provided a link to one such document from the US State Department Cables provided to WikiLeaks by working class hero Chelsea (formerly Bradley) Manning:

USAID/OTI PROGRAMMATIC SUPPORT FOR COUNTRY TEAM 5 POINT STRATEGY

Here we read about the US Agency for International Development’s “Office of Transition Initiatives” – a.k.a. “Office of Overthrowing Governments the US Capitalist Class Doesn’t Like”.

What is this supposedly “non-partisan” US Governmental agency doing in Venezuela?  Money is no object for USAID: in 2009, according to the WikiLeaks State Department cables,  it asked for a budget of $10,000,000.00 (up from $7 million the previous year) to spend on “transition initiatives” in Venezuela.  Let’s read the opening paragraphs of the USAID/OTI document we posted above:

“1. (S) During his 8 years in power, President Chavez has
systematically dismantled the institutions of democracy and
governance. The USAID/OTI program objectives in Venezuela
focus on strengthening democratic institutions and spaces
through non-partisan cooperation with many sectors of
Venezuelan society.
“2. (S) In August of 2004, Ambassador outlined the country
team’s 5 point strategy to guide embassy activities in
Venezuela for the period 2004 ) 2006 (specifically, from the
referendum to the 2006 presidential elections). The
strategy’s focus is: 1) Strengthening Democratic
Institutions, 2) Penetrating Chavez’ Political Base, 3)
Dividing Chavismo, 4) Protecting Vital US business, and 5)
Isolating Chavez internationally.
“3. (S) A brief description of USAID/OTI activities during
the aforementioned time period in support of the strategy
follows:

[…]

“5. (S) OTI has supported over 300 Venezuelan civil society
organizations with technical assistance, capacity building,
connecting them with each other and international movements,
and with financial support upwards of $15 million. Of these,
39 organizations focused on advocacy have been formed since
the arrival of OTI; many of these organizations as a direct
result of OTI programs and funding.

“6. (S) Human Rights: OTI supports the Freedom House (FH)
“Right to Defend Human Rights” program with $1.1 million.
Simultaneously through Development Alternatives Inc. (DAI),
OTI has also provided 22 grants to human rights
organizations, totaling $726,000. FH provides training and
technical assistance to 15 different smaller and regional
human rights organizations on how to research, document, and
present cases in situations of judicial impunity through a
specialized software and proven techniques […]

“7. (S) Citizen Participation in Governance: Venezuelan
NGOs lack a long history of social activism. In response,
OTI partners are training NGOs to be activists and become
more involved in advocacy […]

“8. (S) Civic Education: One effective Chavista mechanism
of control applies democratic vocabulary to support
revolutionary Bolivarian ideology. OTI has been working to
counter this through a civic education program called
“Democracy Among Us”. This interactive education program
works through NGOs in low income communities to deliver five
modules: 1) Separation of Powers, 2) Rule of Law, 3) The
Role and Responsibility of Citizens, 4) Political Tolerance,
and 5) The Role of Civil Society. Separate civic education
programs in political tolerance, participation, and human
rights have reached over 600,000 people […]

 ————–
Penetrate Base/Divide Chavismo
————–
9. (S) Another key Chavez strategy is his attempt to divide
and polarize Venezuelan society using rhetoric of hate and
violence. OTI supports local NGOs who work in Chavista
strongholds and with Chavista leaders, using those spaces to
counter this rhetoric and promote alliances through working
together on issues of importance to the entire community.
OTI has directly reached approximately 238,000 adults through
over 3000 forums, workshops and training sessions delivering
alternative values and providing opportunities for opposition
activists to interact with hard-core Chavistas, with the
desired effect of pulling them slowly away from Chavismo. We
have supported this initiative with 50 grants totaling over
$1.1 million. There are several key examples of this:
10. (S) Visor Participativo: This is a group of 34 OTI
CARACAS 00003356 003.2 OF 004
funded and technically assisted NGOs working together on
municipal strengthening. They work in 48 municipalities
(Venezuela has 337), with 31 MVR, 2 PPT and 15 opposition
mayors. As Chavez attempts to re-centralize the country, OTI
through Visor is supporting decentralization. Much of this
is done through the municipal councils (CLPPs). The National
Assembly recently passed a law that creates groups parallel
to the mayor’s offices and municipal councils (and that
report directly to the president’s office). These groups are
receiving the lions share of new monies Chavez is pumping
into the regions, leaving the municipalities under-funded.
As Chavez attempts to re-centralize all power to the
Executive in the capital, local Chavista leadership are
becoming the opposition as their individual oxen are gored.
Visor has been providing these leaders with tools and skills
for leadership to counter the threat represented by the new
legislation […]”

We ask our readers to imagine the reaction of the US Government if ANY foreign government attempted to spend as much money causing political unrest inside the US!

Having been pointed in the direction of the WikiLeaks cables by Maduro and the Guardian, we thought we’d do a little searching for other USAID/OTI-tagged State Department Cables.  We went to the WikiLeaks PlusD website and typed “USAID/OTI” into the “Keywords” search box and… presto! 195 State Department cables popped up!

There is some tantalizing information on USAID/OTI’s ops in Sri Lanka, where a savage campaign of mass murder was instituted by the Sri Lankan government against the Tamil Tigers revolutionary party; there are a lot of documents relating to African countries, particularly Chad and Sudan.  There is plenty of evidence to show that USAID is up to its ears in US Government efforts to manipulate and channel political events in countries all over the world on to pathways that will fill the pockets of the US capitalist class with profits squeezed from the blood of the workers.

DOCUMENTS:

30May2003_SRI LANKA_ STATUS OF USAID-OFFICE OF TRANSITION INITIATIVES

 

In Venezuela, we see USAID/OTI throwing unlimited amounts of cash into purchasing politicians and manipulating elections.

DOCUMENT:

2006_USAID-OTI VENEZUELA ELECTION RELATED ACTIVITIES

A major national scandal was triggered when it was discovered that the US-sponsored “Sumate” organization, which pretends to be “a vote-monitoring group” had accepted a $300,000.00 donation from the United States Government.  The Chavistas accused the Sumate group’s leaders with treason and conspiracy; Sumate returned the money, saying that it was a grant from the US’ “National Endowment for Democracy”.  The WikiLeaks Cables tell a different story: the Sumate money came from the US State Department’s “DRL”: their  bogus “Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor”.  Although their Wikipedia article claims that they get “94 %” of their support from “private Venezuelan interests”, when the Chavistas leveled treason charges at them, it was the US Embassy in Caracas that they ran to for support.

Comic relief department: one of the principal leaders of the “Sumate” group, one  Maria Corina Machado  states on her Wikipedia biography (next to her smiling photo op with GW Bush in the Oval Office) that her father was a “steel entrepreneur”.   (And no, that does not mean that he repaired old pots and pans from a handcart on the streets of Caracas).

DOCUMENTS:

14AUG2006:_SUMATE ASKS FOR ASSISTANCE

9FEB2004_HUMAN RIGHTS STRATEGY FOR VENEZUELA

27MAR2009_REQUEST FOR ADDITIONAL FUNDS TO HELP STRENGTHEN LOCAL GOVTS AND CIVIL SOCIETY GROUPS

Here’s a bonus for those of you intrepid enough to have read all the way to the end of this article: a 27 August 2009 cable from Caracas alerting the State Department that a company called “Development Alternatives, Incorporated” (DAI), a front for the US Government through which the USAID/OTI office funneled millions of dollars to DAI, which ran agents for the US Government that were involved in organizing street protests against the Chavez government.  On August 26, the Chavez government initiated an investigation into DAI, which was run by two US citizens, Eduardo Fernandez and Erin Upton.  At issue were “unusually large cash transfers in 2007 and 2008” that were run through DAI by USAID.  “[T]his coincides with the December 2007 Constitutional Referendum and national state and local elections in 2008. The focus of the investigation will be the origin of these funds; DAI objectives in Venezuela; DAI fiscal status; and the destination of project funds.”

Having had the crap scared out of him by the Venezuelan government agents, even though, as the cable says, the officers “behaved in a polite and professional manner”, Fernandez immediately ran to the US Embassy for advice.  “DAI runs a 20-person office consisting of two Amcits Fernandez and financial officer Erin Upton, and 18 Venezuelans as program development officers and clerical staff. […] As part of its grant agreements, DAI commits to protect the identity of all grant beneficiaries. DAI files are structured so that financial information could be released without compromising identities. That said, DAI has 50 boxes of files on its premises that contain sensitive information and are vulnerable to seizure.

“Fernandez said that ‘the streets are hot,’ referring to growing protests against Chavez’s efforts to consolidate power, and ‘all these people (organizing the protests) are our grantees.’ Fernandez has been leading non-partisan training and grant programs since 2004 for DAI in Venezuela.

[…]

“Action Request ————– 7. (S) Post requests urgent guidance on the following issues: (1) whether Fernandez enjoys any immunity based on his official passport and visa, or whether he should appear before CICPC or any other Venezuelan authorities; (2 whether Mr. Fernandez should disclose any information and if so, what; (3) what DAI should do about its 50 boxes of files, some of which contain the names of persons directing DAI grantees; and (4) if Mr. Fernandez is considered to be working on behalf of the USG, should he remain in-country or to try to depart Venezuela before the September 1 police interview. ”

28AUG2009_GBRV POLICE TARGET USAID-OTI-FUNDED DEMOCRACY PROGRAMS

For Workers Socialist Revolution in Venezuela!  Workers of the World, Unite!

IWPCHI

 

 

 

 

 

Karl Marx on Simon Bolivar, the “blackguard” upon whom Hugo Chavez’ “Bolivarian Revolution” looks for Inspiration

There are not very many examples in world history such as the one given here in which a man is held in such high esteem by posterity, who was reviled in his own time by his peers as that presented by Simon Bolivar, the “Liberator of Columbia”.  Here, Karl Marx gives the self-promoting, dictatorial, cruel, cowardly and militarily incompetent “blackguard” Bolivar his just desserts.

We were shocked when we read this article by Marx the other day, which we immediately posted just before we headed out to the “Party for Socialism and Liberation”‘s meeting here in Chicago in honor of Hugo Chavez and the “Bolivarian Revolution”.    Like everyone else in the world, we were led to believe that Simon Bolivar was, indeed, one of the genuinely heroic figures in the bourgeois revolutionary leadership that exploded across the globe in the 18th and 19th centuries.  We read Marx’ article once, were absolutely flabbergasted by it, and immediately posted it so everyone could read this comprehensive explosion of the hagiography and myth-making surrounding the person of Bolivar – a process very like that which has occurred and is occurring around the person of Hugo Chavez, whose timid reforms of capitalism are imbued with “revolutionary” significance by his many wholly uncritical sycophants in the leadership of the fake-socialist parties of the world and among whom, sadly, the PSL leadership is to be counted.

Marx’ article, when it was submitted to the editor of the “New American Cyclopedia”, Charles A. Dana, so shocked Dana with its’ “partisan” flavor, that he asked Marx to rewrite it in a more “objective” manner, suitable for an encyclopedia.  Believe it or not, THIS is the “more objective” version of Marx’ appraisal of Bolivar!  We’d love to see the original one!

Marx and Engels had been recruited by Dana to submit several articles precisely on military subjects for inclusion in his “Cyclopedia”.  So it was while immersed in this project that Marx, working away in the libraries of the British Museum in London, wrote this scathing appraisal of Bolivar.   Marx was not suffering from a lack of material to work with; quite the opposite.  He was in London, perhaps the publishing capital of the world at the time, with a full complement of newspaper archives and personal memoirs of Bolivar at his disposal.  Many hagiographers of the “Liberator” have endeavored to impugn Marx’ research on this subject in a futile attempt to maintain the phony legend of Bolivar as some kind of military genius on the level of Napoleon.  As Marx says in a letter to Engels, included below, “To see the dastardly, most miserable and meanest of blackguards described as Napoleon I was altogether too much.”  We agree.  If even half of the incidents of Bolivar’s cowardice and abandonment of fortified strongholds in order to save his own ass are true, then he was, indeed, at the very least, one of the most timid and least self-sacrificing military “leaders” in world history.  If he hadn’t been a scion of one of the most aristocratic families in Spain and Colombia, he would almost certainly have been shot for deserting his command and abandoning his much more courageous soldiers to the mercies of the  Spanish forces on many occasions.  Bolivar was a master at appropriating the work of others to the embellishment of his own undeserved reputation.  Hugo Chavez’ decision to drape his timid bourgeois reformism with the mantle of Bolivar’s phony legend by calling his movement the “Bolivarian Revolution” was far more appropriate than Chavez and his proselytes could have imagined.

The Venezuelan workers and peasants stand now in tremendous danger thanks to the refusal of Chavez and his followers to overthrow the capitalist system, limiting the program of the “Bolivarian Revolution” to timid reforms.  Unless the Venezuelan workers organize a new revolutionary socialist political party immediately, the few real “gains” of the Chavista movement will be overturned – either at the polls of a fraudulent bourgeois capitalist election, or via the “violent overhthrow” of the Bolivarian Revolution by a military coup, backed by US military intervention.  Time is not on the side of the Venezuelan working class.  The Chavistas have allowed multiple revolutionary situations slip right through their fingers over the past 14 years, while the capitalist class has recovered from the disaster of their failed coup and has regained its composure.  Meanwhile, the end of US military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq means that after squandering a 14-years-long opportunity to overthrow capitalism in Venezuela while the US military was bogged down in its murderous wars in the Middle East and Asia, the US military now has its hands – still dripping with the blood of the workers of Iraq and Afghanistan and Pakistan – free to strangle the “Bolivarian Revolution”.   Wonderful strategic maneuver there, by the Chavistas, executed precisely in the manner of their idol Bolivar!

“All the Chavistas need” is time – the reformists are always asking for more and more time! – to slowly evolve Venezuela towards socialism, while the working poor and peasants’ lives grind painfully away to nothing!  Well, messieurs Chavistas: time is exactly what you do not have!  You have squandered 14 YEARS when the “time” for the revolution was the day after the coup attempt failed!  Or when the US started its “surge” in Iraq!  Or while the US was reeling from the economic disaster in 2008!  Time is rapidly running out for you and your non-revolution!

And it wouldn’t be entirely terrible if it was only the fake-socialists of the top Chavista leadership that would be put in front of a firing squad when their fake-revolution collapses; unfortunately, it will be the heroic leaders of the Venezuelan working class and peasantry and the indigenous peoples’ leaders who will have to suffer the same fate!  And that is a far more serious loss than the revolutionary socialist workers movement of Venezuela and the world can tolerate!

IWPCHI

http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1858/01/bolivar.htm

Karl Marx in the New American Encyclopedia 1858
Bolivar y Ponte

Written: between December 1857 and January 8, 1858;
Source: The New American Cyclopaedia;
First published: in The New American Cyclopaedia, Vol. III, 1858;
Public Domain: Marx-Engels Internet Archive. This article is completely free;
Transcribed: by Hari Kumar – for Alliance ML.

In a letter to Engels of 14 February 1858, Marx says: “Moreover a longish article on Bolivar elicited objections from Dana because, he said, it is written in a ‘partisan style’, and he asked me to cite my authorities. This I can, of course, do, although it is a singular demand. As regards the ‘partisan style’, it is true that I departed somewhat from the tone of a cyclopedia. To see the dastardly, most miserable and meanest of blackguards described as Napoleon I was altogether too much. Bolivar is a veritable Soulouque (the former slave, later President of Haiti).”

Bolivar y Ponte, Simon, the “liberator” of Colombia, born at Caracas, July 24, 1783, died at San Pedro, near Santa Martha, Dec. 17, 1830. He was the son of one of the familias Mantuanas, which, at the time of the Spanish supremacy, constituted the creole nobility in Venezuela. In compliance with the custom of wealthy Americans of those times, at the early age of 14 he was sent to Europe. From Spain he passed to France, and resided for some years in Paris. In 1802 he married in Madrid, and returned to Venezuela, where his wife died suddenly of yellow fever. After this he visited Europe a second time, and was present at Napoleon’s coronation as emperor, in 1804, and at his assumption of the iron crown of Lombardy, in 1805. In 1809 he returned home, and despite the importunities of Joseph Felix Ribas, his cousin, he declined to join in the revolution which broke out at Caracas, April 19, 1810 but, after the event, he accepted a mission to London to purchase arms and solicit the protection of the British government. Apparently well received by the marquis of Wellesley, then secretary for foreign affairs, he obtained nothing beyond the liberty to export arms for ready cash with the payment of heavy duties upon them. On his return from London, he again withdrew to private life, until, Sept. 1811, he was prevailed upon by Gen. Miranda, then commander-in-chief of the insurgent land and sea forces, to accept the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the staff, and the command of Puerto Cabello, the strongest fortress of Venezuela.

The Spanish prisoners of war, whom Miranda used regularly to send to Puerto Cabello, to be confined in the citadel, having succeeded in overcoming their guards by surprise, and in seizing the citadel, Bolivar, although they were unarmed, while he had a numerous garrison and large magazines, embarked precipitately in the night, with 8 of his officers, without giving notice to his own troops, arrived at daybreak at La Guayra, and retired to his estate at San Mateo. On becoming aware of their commander’s flight, the garrison retired in good order from the place, which was immediately occupied by the Spaniards under Monteverde. This event turned the scale in favor of Spain, and obliged Miranda, on the authority of the congress, to sign the treaty of Vittoria, July 26, 1812, which restored Venezuela to the Spanish rule. On July 30 Miranda arrived at La Guayra, where he intended to embark on board an English vessel. On his visit to the commander of the place, Col. Manuel Maria Casas, he met with a numerous company, among whom were Don Miguel Pena and Simon Bolivar, who persuaded him to stay, for one night at least, in Casas’s house. At 2 o’clock in the morning, when Miranda was soundly sleeping, Casas, Pena, and Bolivar entered his room, with 4 armed soldiers, cautiously seized his sword and pistol, then awakened him, abruptly told him to rise and dress himself, put him into irons, and had him finally surrendered to Monteverde, who dispatched him to Cadiz, where, after some years’ captivity, he died in irons. This act, committed on the pretext that Miranda had betrayed his country by the capitulation of Vittoria, procured for Bolivar Monteverde’s peculiar favor, so that when he demanded his passport, Monteverde declared,

“Col. Bolivar’s request should be complied with, as a reward for his having served the king of Spain by delivering up Miranda.”

He was thus allowed to sail for Curacoa, where he spent 6 weeks, and proceeded, in company with his cousin Ribas, to the little republic of Carthagena. Previous to their arrival, a great number of soldiers, who had served under Gen. Miranda, had fled to Carthagena. Ribas proposed to them to undertake an expedition against the Spaniards in Venezuela, and to accept Bolivar as their commander-in-chief. The former proposition they embraced eagerly; to the latter they demurred, but at last yielded, on the condition of Ribas being the second in command. Manuel Rodriguez Torrices, the president of the republic of Carthagena, added to the 800 soldiers thus enlisted under Bolivar, 500 men under the command of his cousin, Manuel Castillo. The expedition started in the beginning of Jan 1813. Dissensions as to the supreme command breaking out between Bolivar and Castillo, the latter suddenly decamped with his grenadians. Bolivar, on his part, proposed to follow Castillo’s example, and return to Carthagena, but Ribas persuaded him at length to pursue his course at least as far as Bogota, at that time the seat of the congress of New Granada. They were well received, supported in every way, and were both made generals by the congress, and, after having divided their little army into 2 columns, they marched by different routes upon Caracas. The further they advanced, the stronger grew their resources; the cruel excesses of the Spaniards acting everywhere as the recruiting sergeants for the army of the independents. The power of resistance on the part of the Spaniards was broken, partly by the circumstance of 3/4 of their army being composed of natives, who bolted on every encounter to the opposite ranks, partly by the cowardice of such generals as Tiscar, Cajigal, and Fierro, who, on every occasion, deserted their own troops. Thus it happened that San lago Marino, an ignorant youth, had contrived to dislodge the Spaniards from the provinces of Curnana and Barcelona, at the very time that Bolivar was advancing through the western provinces. The only serious resistance, on the part of the Spaniards, was directed against the column of Ribas, who, however, routed Gen. Monteverde at Lostaguanes, and forced him to shut himself up in Puerto Cabello with the remainder of his troops.

On hearing of Bolivar’s approach, Gen. Fierro, the governor of Caracas, sent deputies to propose a capitulation, which was concluded at Vittoria; but Fierro, struck by a sudden panic, and not expecting the return of his own emissaries, secretly decamped in the night, leaving more than 1,500 Spaniards at the discretion of the enemy. Bolivar was now honored with a public triumph. Standing in a triumphal car, drawn by 12 young ladies, dressed in white, adorned with the national colors, and all selected from the first families of Caracas, Bolivar, bareheaded, in full uniform, and wielding a small baton in his hand, was, in about half an hour, dragged from the entrance of the city to his residence. Having proclaimed himself “dictator and liberator of the western provinces of Venezuela”-Marino had assumed the title of “dictator of the eastern provinces”-he created “the order of the liberator,” established a choice corps of troops under the name of his body-guard, and surrounded himself with the show of a court. But, like most of his countrymen, he was averse to any prolonged exertion, and his dictatorship soon proved a military anarchy, leaving the most important affairs in the hands of favorites, who squandered the finances of the country, and then resorted to odious means in order to restore them. The new enthusiasm of the people was thus turned to dissatisfaction, and the scattered forces of the enemy were allowed to recover. While, in the beginning of Aug. 1813, Monteverde was shut up in the fortress of Puerto Cabello, and the Spanish army reduced to the possession of a small strip of land in the north-western part of Venezuela, 4 months later, in December, the liberator’s prestige was gone, and Caracas itself threatened, by the sudden appearance in its neighborhood of the victorious Spaniards under Boves. To strengthen his tottering power, Bolivar assembled, Jan. 1, 1814, a junta of the most influential inhabitants of Caracas, declaring himself to be unwilling any longer to bear the burden of dictatorship. Hurtado Mendoza, on the other hand, argued, in a long oration,

“the necessity of leaving the supreme power in the hands of Gen. Bolivar, until the congress of New Granada could meet, and Venezuela be united under one government.”

This proposal was accepted, and the dictatorship was thus invested with some sort of legal sanction.

The war with the Spaniards was, for some time, carried on in a series of small actions, with no decisive advantage to either of the contending parties. In June, 1814, Boves marched with his united forces from Calabozo on La Puerta, where the two dictators, Bolivar and Marino, had formed a junction, met them, and ordered an immediate attack. After some resistance, Bolivar fled toward Caracas, while Marino disappeared in the direction of Cumana. Puerto Cabello and Valencia fell into the hands of Boves, who then detached 2 columns (1 of them under the command of Col. Gonzales), by different roads, upon Caracas. Ribas tried in vain to oppose the advance of Gonzales. On the surrender of Caracas to Gonzales, July 17, 1814, Bolivar evacuated La Guayra, ordered the vessels lying in the harbor of that town to sail for Cuntana, and retreated with the remainder of his troops upon Barcelona. After a defeat inflicted on the insurgents by Boves, Aug. 8, 1814, at Arguita, Bolivar left his troops the same night secretly to hasten, through by-roads, to Cumana, where, despite the angry protests of Ribas, he at once embarked on board the Bianchi, together with Marino and some other officers. If Ribas, Paez, and other generals had followed the dictators in their flight, every thing would have been lost. Treated by Gen. Arismendi, on their arrival at Juan Griego, in the island of Margarita, as deserters, and ordered to depart, they sailed for Carupano, whence, meeting with a similar reception on the part of Col. Bermudez, they steered toward Carthagena. There, to palliate their flight, they published a justificatory memoir,” in high-sounding phraseology.

Having joined a plot for the overthrow of the government of Carthagena, Bolivar had to leave that little republic, and proceeded to Tunja, where the congress of the federalist republic of New Granada was sitting. At that time the province of Cundinamarca stood at the head of the independent provinces which refused to adopt the Granadian federal compact, while Quito, Pasto, Santa Martha, and other provinces, still remained in the power of the Spaniards. Bolivar, who arrived at Tunja Nov. 22, 1814, was created by the congress commander-in-chief of the federalist forces, and received the double mission of forcing the president of the province of Cundinamarca to acknowledge the authority of the congress, and of then marching against Santa Martha, the only fortified seaport the Spaniards still retained in New Granada. The first point was easily carried, Bogota, the capital of the disaffected province, being a defenceless town. In spite of its capitulation, Bolivar allowed it to be sacked during 48 hours by his troops. At Santa Martha, the Spanish general Montalvo, having a feeble garrison of less than 200 men, and a fortress in a miserable state of defence, had already bespoken a French vessel, in order to secure his own flight, while the inhabitants of the town sent word to Bolivar that on his appearance they would open the gates and drive out the garrison. But instead of marching, as he was ordered by the congress, against the Spaniards at Santa Martha, he indulged his rancor against Castillo, the commander of Carthagena, took upon himself to lead his troops against the latter town, which constituted an integral part of the federal republic. Beaten back, he encamped upon La Papa, a large hill, about gun-shot distance from Carthagena, and established a single small cannon as a battery against a place provided with about 80 guns. He afterward converted the siege into a blockade, which lasted till the beginning of May without any other result than that of reducing his army, by desertion and malady, from 2,400 men to about 700. Meanwhile a great Spanish expedition from Cadiz had arrived, March 25, 1815, under Gen. Morillo, at the island of Margarita, and had been able to throw powerful reinforcements into Santa Martha, and soon after to take Carthagena itself. Previously, however, Bolivar had embarked for Jamaica, May 10, 1815, with about a dozen of his officers, on an armed English brig. Having arrived at the place of refuge, he again published a proclamation, representing himself as the victim of some secret enemy or faction, and defending his flight before the approaching Spaniards as a resignation of command out of deference for the public peace.

During his 8 months’ stay at Kingston, the generals he had left in Venezuela, and Gen. Arismendi in the island of Margarita, staunchly held their ground against the Spanish arms. But Ribas. from whom Bolivar had derived his reputation, having been shot by the Spaniards after the capture of Maturin, there appeared in his stead another man on the stage, of still greater abilities, who, being as a foreigner unable to play an independent part in the South American revolution, finally resolved to act under Bolivar. This was Louis Brion. To bring aid to the revolutionists, he had sailed from London for Carthagena with a corvette of 24 guns, equipped in great part at his own expense, with 14,000 stand of arms and a great quantity of military stores. Arriving too late to be useful in that quarter, he re-embarked for Cayes, in Hayti, whither many emigrant patriots had repaired after the surrender of Carthagena. Bolivar, meanwhile, had also departed from Kingston to Porte au Prince, where, on his promise of emancipating the slaves, Petion, the president of Hayti, offered him large supplies for a new expedition against the Spaniards in Venezuela. At Cayes he met Brion and the other emigrants, and in a general meeting proposed himself as the chief of the new expedition, on the condition of uniting the civil and military power in his person until the assembling of a general congress. The majority accepting his terms, the expedition’ sailed April 16, 1816, with him as its commander and Brion as its admiral. At Margarita the former succeeded in winning over Arismendi, the commander of the island, in which he had reduced the Spaniards to the single spot of Pampatar. On Bolivar’s formal promise to convoke a national congress at Venezuela, as soon as he should be master of the country, Arismendi summoned a junta in the cathedral of La Villa del Norte, and publicly proclaimed him the commander-in-chief of the republics of Venezuela and New Granada. On May 31, 1816, Bolivar landed at Carupano, but did not dare prevent Marino and Piar from separating from him, and carrying on a war against Cumana under their own auspices. Weakened by this separation, he set sail, on Brion’s advice, for Ocumare, where he arrived July 3, 1816, with 13 vessels, of which 7 only were armed. His army mustered but 650 men, swelled, by the enrolment of negroes whose emancipation he had proclaimed, to about 800. At Ocumare he again issued a proclamation, promising

“to exterminate the tyrants” and to “convoke the people to name their deputies to congress.”

On his advance in the direction of Valencia he met, not far from Ocumare, the Spanish general Morales at the head of about 200 soldiers and 100 militia men. The skirmishers of Morales having dispersed his advanced guard, he lost, as an eye-witness records,

“all presence of mind, spoke not a word, turned his horse quickly round, and fled in full speed toward Ocumare, passed the village at full gallop, arrived at the neighboring bay, jumped from his horse, got into a boat, and embarked on the Diana, ordering the whole squadron to follow him to the little island of Buen Ayre, and leaving all his companions without any means of assistance.”

On Brion’s rebukes and admonitions, he again joined the other commanders on the coast of Cumana, but being harshly received, and threatened by Piar with trial before a court-martial as a deserter and a coward, he quickly retraced his steps to Cayes. After months of exertion, Brion at length succeeded in persuading a majority of the Venezuelan military chiefs, who felt the want of at least a nominal centre, to recall Bolivar as their general-in-chief, upon the express condition that he should assemble a congress, and not meddle with the civil administration. Dec. 31, 1816, he arrived at Barcelona with the arms, munitions of war, and provisions supplied by Petion. Joined, Jan. 2, 1817, by Arismendi, he proclaimed on the 4th martial law and the union of all powers in his single person; but 5 days later, when Arismendi had fallen into an ambush laid by the Spaniards, the dictator fled to Barcelona. The troops rallied at the latter place, whither Brion sent him also guns and reenforcements, so that he soon mustered a new corps of 1,100 men. April 5, the Spaniards took possession of the town of Barcelona, and the patriot troops retreated toward the charity-house, a building isolated from Barcelona, and entrenched on Bolivar’s order, but unfit to shelter a garrison of 1,000 men from a serious attack. He left the post in the night of April 5, informing Col. Freites, to whom he transferred his command, that he was going in search of more troops, and would soon return. Trusting this promise, Freites declined the offer of a capitulation, and, after the assault, was slaughtered with the whole garrison by the Spaniards.

Piar, a man of color and native of Curacao, conceived and executed the conquest of the provinces of Guiana; Admiral Brion supporting that enterprise with his gun-boats. July 20, the whole of the provinces being evacuated by the Spaniards, Piar, Brion, Zea, Marino, Arismendi, and others, assembled a provincial congress at Angostura, and put at the head of the executive a triumvirate, of which Brion, hating Piar and deeply interested in Bolivar, in whose success he had embarked his large private fortune, contrived that the latter should be appointed a member, notwithstanding his absence. On these tidings Bolivar left his retreat for Angostura, where, emboldened by Brion, he dissolved the congress and the triumvirate, to replace them by a “supreme council of the nation,” with himself as the chief, Brion and Antonio Francisco Zea as the directors, the former of the military, the latter of the political section. However, Piar, the conqueror of Guiana, who once before had threatened to try him before a court-martial as a deserter, was not sparing of his sarcasms against the “Napoleon of the retreat,” and Bolivar consequently accepted a plan for getting rid of him. On the false accusation of having conspired against the whites, plotted against Bolivar’s life, and aspired to the supreme power, Piar was arraigned before a war council under the presidency of Brion, convicted, condemned to death, and shot, Oct. 16, 1817. His death struck Marino with terror. Fully aware of his own nothingness when deprived of Piar, he, in a most abject letter, publicly calumniated his murdered friend, deprecated his own attempts at rivalry with the liberator, and threw himself upon Bolivar’s inexhaustible fund of magnanimity.

The conquest by Piar of Guiana had completely changed the situation in favor of the patriots; that single province affording them more resources than all the other 7 provinces of Venezuela together. A new campaign, announced by Bolivar through a new proclamation was, therefore, generally expected to result in the final expulsion of the Spaniards. This first bulletin, which described some small Spanish foraging parties withdrawing from Calabozo as “armies flying before our victorious troops,” was not calculated to damp these hopes. Against about 4,000 Spaniards, whose junction had not yet been effected by Morillo, he mustered more than 9,000 men, well armed, equipped, and amply furnished with all the necessaries of war. Nevertheless, toward the end of May, 1818, he had lost about a dozen battles and all the provinces lying on the northern side of the Orinoco. Scattering as he did his superior forces, they were always beaten in detail. Leaving the conduct of the war to Paez and his other subordinates, he retired to Angostura. Defection followed upon defection, and every thing seemed to be drifting to utter ruin. At this most critical moment, a new combination of fortunate accidents again changed the face of affairs. At Angostura he met with Santander, a native of New Granada, who begged for the means of invading that territory, where the population were prepared for a general rise against the Spaniards. This request, to some extent, he complied with, while powerful succors in men, vessels, and munitions of war, poured in from England, and English, French, German, and Polish officers, flocked to Angostura. Lastly, Dr. German Roscio, dismayed at the declining fortune of the South American revolution, stepped forward, laid hold of Bolivar’s mind, and induced him to convene, Feb. 15, 1819, a national congress, the mere name of which proved powerful enough to create a new army of about 14,000 men, so that Bolivar found himself enabled to resume the offensive.

The foreign officers suggested to him the plan of making a display of an intention to attack Caracas, and free Venezuela from the Spanish yoke, and thus inducing Morillo to weaken New Granada and concentrate his forces upon Venezuela, while he (Bolivar) should suddenly turn to the west, unite with Santander’s guerillas, and march upon Bogota. To execute this plan, he left Angostura Feb. 24, 1810 after having nominated Zea president of the congress arid vice-president of the republic during his absence. By the manoeuvres of Paez, Morillo and La Torre were routed at Achaguas, and would have been destroyed if Bolivar had effected a junction between his own troops and those of Paez and Marino. At all events, the victories of Paez led to the occupation of the province of Barima, which opened to Bolivar the way into New Granada. Every thing being here prepared by Santander, the foreign troops, consisting mainly of Englishmen, decided the fate of New Granada by the successive victories won July 1 and 23, and Aug. 7, in the province of Tunja. Aug. 12, Bolivar made a triumphal entry into Bogota, while the Spaniards, all the Granadian provinces having risen against them, shut themselves up in the fortified town of Mompox.

Having regulated the Granadian congress at Bogota, and installed Gen. Santander as commander-in-chief, Bolivar marched toward Pamplona, where he spent about 2 months in festivals and balls. Nov. 3, he arrived at Montecal, in Venezuela, whither he had directed the patriotic chieftains of that territory to assemble with their troops. With a treasury of about $2,000,000, raised from the inhabitants of New Granada by forced contributions, and with a disposable force of about 9,000 men, the 3d part of whom consisted of well disciplined English, Irish, Hanoverians, and other foreigners, he had now to encounter an enemy stripped of all resources and reduced to a nominal force of about 4,500 men, 2/3 of whom were natives, and, therefore, not to be relied upon by the Spaniards. Morillo withdrawing from San Fernando de Apure to San Carlos, Bolivar followed him up to Calabozo, so that the hostile head-quarters were only 2 days’ march from each other. If Bolivar had boldly advanced, the Spaniards would have been crushed by his European troops alone, but he preferred protracting the war for 5 years longer.

In October, 1819, the congress of Angostura had forced Zea, his nominee, to resign his office, and chosen Arismendi in his place. On receiving this news, Bolivar suddenly marched his foreign legion toward Angostura, surprised Arismendi, who had 600 natives only, exiled him to the island of Margarita, and restored Zea to his dignities. Dr. Roscio, fascinating him with the prospects of centralized power, led him to proclaim the “republic of Colombia,” comprising New Granada and Venezuela, to publish a fundamental law for the new state, drawn up by Roscio, and to consent to the establishment of a common congress for both provinces. On Jan. 20, 1820, he had again returned to San Fernando de Apure. His sudden withdrawal of the foreign legion, which was more dreaded by the Spaniards than 10 times the number of Colombians, had given Morillo a new opportunity to collect reinforcements, while the tidings of a formidable expedition to start from Spain under O’Donnell raised the sinking spirits of the Spanish party. Notwithstanding his vastly superior forces, Bolivar contrived to accomplish nothing during the campaign of 1820. Meanwhile the news arrived from Europe that the revolution in the Isla de Leon had put a forcible end to O’Donnell’s intended expedition. In New Granada 15 provinces out of 22 had joined the government of Colombia, and the Spaniards now held there only the fortresses of Carthagena and the isthmus of Panama. In Venezuela 6 provinces out of 8 obeyed the laws of Colombia. Such was the state of things when Bolivar allowed himself to be inveigled by Morillo into negotiations resulting, Nov. 25, 1820, in the conclusion at Truxillo of a truce for 6 months. In the truce no mention was made of the republic of Colombia, although the congress had expressly forbidden any treaty to be concluded with the Spanish commander before the acknowledgment on his part of the independence of the republic.

Dec. 17, Morillo, anxious to play his part in Spain, embarked at Puerto Cabello, leaving the command-in-chief to Miguel de la Torre, and on March 10, 1821, Bolivar notified La Torre, by letter, that hostilities should recommence at the expiration of 30 days. The Spaniards had taken a strong position at Carabobo, a village situated about half-way betwen San Carlos and Valencia; but La Torre, instead of uniting there all his forces, had concentrated only his 1st division, 2,500 infantry and about 1,500 cavalry, while Bolivar had about 6,000 infantry, among them the British legion, mustering 1,100 men, and 3,000 Ilaneros on horseback, under Paez. The enemy’s position seemed so formidable to Bolivar, that he proposed to his council of war to make a new armistice, which, however, was rejected by his subalterns. At the head of a column mainly consisting of the British legion, Paez turned through a footpath the right wing of the enemy, after the successful execution of which manoeuvre, La Torre was the first of the Spaniards to run away, taking no rest till he reached Puerto Cabello, where he shut himself up with the remainder of his troops. Puerto Cabello itself must have surrendered on a quick advance of the victorious army, but Bolivar lost his time in exhibiting himself at Valencia and Caracas. Sept. 21, 1821, the strong fortress of Carthagena capitulated to Santander. The last feats of arms in Venezuela, the naval action at Maracaibo, in Aug. 1823, and the forced surrender of Puerto Cabello, July, 1824, were both the work of Padilla. The revolution of the Isla de Leon, which prevented O’Donnell’s expedition from starting, and the assistance of the British legion, had evidently turned the scale in favor of the Colombians.

The Colombian congress opened its sittings in Jan. 1821, at Cucuta, published, Aug. 30, a new constitution, and after Bolivar had again pretended to resign, renewed his powers. Having signed the new constitution, he obtained leave to undertake the campaign of Quito (1822), to which province the Spaniards had retired after their ejection by a general rising of the people from the isthmus of Panama. This campaign, ending in the incorporation of Quito, Pasto, and Guayaquil into Colombia, was nominally led by Bolivar and Gen. Sucre, but the few successes of the corps were entirely owed to British officers, such as Col. Sands. During the campaigns of 1823-’24, against the Spaniards in upper and lower Peru, he no longer thought it necessary to keep up the appearance of generalship, but leaving the whole military task to Gen. Sucre, limited himself to triumphal entries, manifestos, and the proclamation of constitutions. Through his Colombian body-guard, he swayed the votes of the congress of Lima, which, Feb. 10, 1823, transferred to him the dictatorship, while he secured his re-election as president of Colombia by a new tender of resignation. His position had meanwhile become strengthened, what with the formal recognition of the new state on the part of England, what with Sucre’s conquest of the provinces of upper Peru, which the latter united into an independent republic, under the name of Bolivia. Here, where Sucre’s bayonets were supreme, Bolivar gave full scope to his propensities for arbitrary power, by introducing the “Bolivian Code,” an imitation of the Code Napoleon. It was his plan to transplant that code from Bolivia to Peru, and from Peru to Colombia-to keep the former states in check by Colombian troops, and the latter by the foreign legion and Peruvian soldiers. By force, mingled with intrigue, he succeeded indeed, for some weeks at least, in fastening his code upon Peru. The president and liberator of Colombia, the protector and dictator of Peru, and the godfather of Bolivia, he had now reached the climax of his renown. But a serious antagonism had broken out in Colombia, between the centralists or Bolivarists and the federalists, under which latter name the enemies of military anarchy had coalesced with his military rivals. The Colombian congress having, at his instigation, proposed an act of accusation against Paez, the vice-president of Venezuela, the latter broke out into open revolt, secretly sustained and pushed on by Bolivar himself, who wanted insurrections, to furnish him a pretext for overthrowing the constitution and reassuming the dictatorship. Beside his body-guard, he led, on his return from Peru, 1,800 Peruvians, ostensibly against the federalist rebels. At Puerto Cabello, however, where he met Paez, he not only confirmed him in his command of Venezuela, and issued a proclamation of amnesty to all the rebels, but openly took their part and rebuked the friends of the constitution; and by decree at Bogota, Nov. 23, 1826, he assumed dictatorial powers.

In the year 1826, from which the decline of his power dates, he contrived to assemble a congress at Panama, with the ostensible to object of establishing a new democratic international code. Plenipotentiaries came from Colombia, Brazil, La Plata, Bolivia, Mexico, Guatemala, &c. What he really aimed at was the erection of the whole of South America into one federative republic, with himself as its dictator. While thus giving full scope to his dreams of attaching half a world to his name, his real power was rapidly slipping from his grasp. The Colombian troops in Peru, informed of his making arrangements for the introduction of the Bolivian k-code, promoted a violent insurrection. The Peruvians elected Gen. Lamar as the president of their republic, assisted the Bolivians in driving out the Colombian troops, and even waged a victorious war against Colombia, which ended in a treaty reducing the latter to its primitive limits, stipulating the equality of the 2 countries, and separating their debts. The Congress of Ocana, convoked by Bolivar, with a view to modify the constitution in favor of his arbitrary power, was opened March 2, 1828, by an elaborate address, insisting on the necessity of new privileges for the executive. When, however, it became evident that the amended project of the constitution would come out of the convention quite different from its original form, his friends vacated their seats, by which proceeding the body was left without a quorum, and thus became extinct. From a country-seat, some miles distant from Ocana, to which he had retreated, he published another manifesto, pretending to be incensed at the step taken by his own friends, but at the same time attacking the convention, calling on the provinces to recur to extraordinary measures, and declaring that he was ready to submit to any load of power which might be heaped upon him. Under the pressure of his bayonets, popular assemblies at Caracas, Carthagena, and Bogota, to which latter place he had repaired, anew invested him with dictatorial power. An attempt to assassinate him in his sleeping room at Bogota, which he escaped only by leaping in the dark from the balcony of the window, and lying concealed under a bridge, allowed him for some time to introduce a sort of military terrorism. He did not, however, lay hands on Santander, although he had participated in the conspiracy, while he put to death Gen. Padilla, whose guilt was not proved at all, but who, as a man of color, was not able to resist.

Violent factions disturbing the republic in 1829, in a new appeal to the citizens Bolivar invited them to frankly express their wishes as to the modifications to be introduced into the constitution. An assembly of notables at Caracas answered by denouncing his ambition, laying bare the weakness of his administration, declaring the separation of Venezuela from Colombia, and placing Paez at the head of that republic. The senate of Colombia stood by Bolivar, but other insurrections broke out at different points. Having resigned for the 5th time, in Jan. 1830, he again accepted the presidency, and left Bogota to wage war on Paez in the name of the Colombian congress. Toward the end of March, 1830, he advanced at the head of 8,000 men, took Caracuta, which had revolted, and then turned upon the province of Maracaibo, where Paez awaited him with 12,000 men, in a strong position. As soon as he became aware that Paez meant serious fighting, his courage collapsed. For a moment he even thought to subject himself to Paez, and declare against the congress; but the influence of his partisans at the congress vanished, and he was forced to tender his resignation, notice being given to him that he must now stand by it, and that an annual pension would be granted to him on the condition of his departure for foreign countries. He accordingly sent his resignation to the congress, April 27, 1830. But hoping to regain power by the influence of his partisans, and a reaction setting in against Joachim Mosquera, the new president of Colombia, he effected his retreat from Bogota in a very slow manner, and contrived, under a variety of pretexts, to prolong his sojourn at San Pedro, until the end of 1830, when he suddenly died.

The following is the portrait given of him by Ducoudray Holstein:

“Simon Bolivar is 5 feet 4 inches in height, his visage is long, his cheeks hollow, his complexion livid brown: his eyes are of a middle size, and sunk deep in his head, which is covered thinly with hair. His mustaches give him a dark and wild aspect, particularly when he is in a passion. His whole body is thin and meagre. He has the appearance of a man 65 years old. In walking, his arms are in continual motion. He cannot walk long, but becomes soon fatigued. He likes his hammock, where he sits or lolls. He gives way to sudden gusts of resentment, and becomes in a moment a madman, throws himself into his hammock, and utters curses and imprecations upon all around him. He likes to indulge in sarcasms upon absent persons, reads only light French literature, is a bold rider, and passionately fond of waltzing. He is fond of hearing himself talk and giving toasts. In adversity, and destitute of aid from without, he is perfectly free from passion and violence of temper. He then becomes mild, patient, docile, and even submissive. In a great measure he conceals his faults under the politeness of a man educated in the so-called beau monde, possesses an almost Asiatic talent for dissimulation, and understands mankind better than the mass of his countrymen.”

By decree of the congress of New Granada, his remains were removed in 1842 to Caracas, and a monument erected there in his honor.

See Histoire de Bolivar, par le Gén. Ducoudray Holstein; continuée jusqu’a sa mort par Alphonse Viollet (Paris, 1831), Memoirs of Gen. John Miller (in the service of the Republic of Peru); Col. Hippisley’s “Account of his journey to the Orinoco” (Lond. 1819).