81st Commemoration of World’s Worst War Crimes: USA’s Atomic Bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki

On the 81st anniversary of the USA’s worst war crimes ever – the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki – we present to our readers an extraordinary first-person account by Fr. Pedro Arrupe of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits) of the US nuclear attack on Hiroshima on 6 August 1945.  To the best of our knowledge, this is the first time that his account of the horrors of that day and the days and weeks that followed has been published in full in the English language.  This account comes from a Croatian-language book published in Zagreb, Yugoslavia in 1978; we used the excellent DeepL translation engine to produce this English version.

At the time of the US attack on Hiroshima, Fr. Arrupe was a missionary of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits) working in Hiroshima.  A small hill that stood between the house where he and his fellow missionaries were living and the epicenter of the explosion was all that protected them from the most serious effects of the bomb; after saying a quick prayer asking for God’s help, Fr. Arrupe (who had some medical training) and his comrades immediately set to work providing basic medical assistance to the hundreds of seriously injured and dying people who made their way to the Jesuits’ makeshift field hospital.

At this time in world history, when all the principal political “leaders” of the capitalist world seem to have completely lost their fear of nuclear war and openly plan for the use of “tactical” nuclear weapons as if they were no big deal, we publish this deeply moving account of the horrors of nuclear war to alert the workin class – once again – to the imperative need for the organization of revolutionary socialist (i.e. Trotskyist) workers parties to wrest the weapons of war out of the clutches of the mass-murdering capitalist classes of the world.  Unless we of the working class overthrow the capitalists and take power into our own hands, it is only a matter of time before the greed-maddened capitalists of the world – led by the world’s #1 terrorist threat, the US capitalist class – plunge the world into a nuclear holocaust.

— IWPCHI

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https://archive.org/details/taj_nevjerojatni_japan_1978-pedro_arrupe

Taj nevjerojatni Japan – Uspomene iz misionarskog života (Zagreb, 1978) [That Incredible Japan –
Memories from a Missionary Life] by Pedro Arrupe

[From page 148 to 172; translated by DeepL, copy-pasted into the translation engine from the Croatian by IWPCHI]

THE ATOM BOMB SCENE

To picture the scene on which the atomic bomb tragedy unfolded, we must add a few more details to what we have already said about Hiroshima.

In 1945, Hiroshima had about four hundred thousand inhabitants. If we compare it to a European city with the same number of inhabitants, we must say that it was much more spacious. In fact, apart from a small number of skyscrapers, which rose magnificently and dominated the plain, the city was made up of typical Japanese one-story houses. They were all wooden structures clad on the outside with mud, cardboard, and strong paper.

From a military standpoint, the importance of the city could not be denied. It was not, to be sure, a city where the smoke from war factories darkened the sky with soot, but troops came and went from its military port. Hiroshima was perhaps the most important port in the south of the country. Every week we witnessed a double parade of new uniforms—those of the men going to the front and those marked by the hardships of battle and the hope of victory.

We Jesuits had two houses in Hiroshima at the time: one in the city center—it was the parish—and another outside the city, in Nagatsuki, seven kilometers from the center. Our novitiate was there. I had been working there for several years with thirty-five young Jesuits. Throughout the entire war, we wondered why American bombers completely spared our city, while they heavily bombed other cities, such as Kure and Osaka.

The residents of Hiroshima initially retreated to sleep in caves that had been dug into the nearby hills, but when they saw that time was passing and the peace was being shattered by the sirens’ wailing, confidence returned to the world. People, at last, preferred to die in their own homes rather than live in cobwebs and waste away from rheumatism and pneumonia. This is understandable. One young man told me how during the Spanish War there were many soldiers who discarded their gas masks, using the canisters for other things, and occasionally for water. When I asked him if they weren’t afraid of chemical poisoning, he answered:

“A little, of course, but it’s still better to die comfortably than to live uncomfortably.”

Such a view prevailed in Hiroshima as well.

Life began to proceed without unusual events. Every day at half past five in the morning, a B-29 would cruise over the city, and only once did a bomb fall. Such was the persistence of that machine that they quite naturally and with a fine irony nicknamed it the “American Messenger.”

The Atomic Explosion

August 6, 1945, was the first and last day to have a different course. At about 7:55, a second alarm signaled danger. A B-29 flew high overhead, and no one paid any attention to it. We had seen flights of two hundred planes or more pass over the city many times before. At 8:10, the all-clear sounded, and the world went back to work.

But that was wrong! It had been barely five minutes when a blue sky was split by a fiery lightning bolt like a magnesium ray. I was in my room with another priest. I immediately got up and went to the window. At that moment I heard a continuous, muffled noise, more like the roar of a waterfall than a bomb explosion. The house trembled and began to sway. The windowpanes shattered, the doors were blown from their hinges, and the Japanese walls splintered into pieces as if struck by a giant’s fist.

That terrible force, which we thought would lift the house from its foundations, knocked us to the ground as if struck by a fist. Instinctively, we raised our hands in front of our heads to protect ourselves, when a rain of dust and debris began to fall on us without stopping.

When that tremor was over, we both got up, fearing we would see each other injured. Fortunately, we were both uninjured. We immediately went through the house. My great concern was for the thirty-five young Jesuits who had been entrusted to me, but I found none of them injured. The explosion had caused only material damage.

With the natural curiosity that arises when danger has passed, we all went into the garden to see where the bomb that had shaken us had fallen. But our efforts to find it were in vain. There were no visible changes in the garden.

In stark contrast to the powerful nature of that summer day, the house had been struck, its roof torn off so that it no longer bore the elegant symmetry that had made it stand out. All the windows were shattered. Through the doors, blown off their hinges, you could see cracked walls lying in dust on the ground.

We climbed the hill, from where we had a better view. To the east, we saw what had once been Hiroshima burning in flames. It burned like a new Pompeii. The atomic bomb unleashed a blast of intense white fire upon the city. Everything flammable that came into contact with it burned like matches thrown into a red-hot furnace.

And as if that were not enough: the tremors caused wooden houses to collapse into the fire, so the entire city looked like one, huge blaze.

Watching this scene, which we could not even imagine, we stood as if petrified. Only later, through information from others and based on our own experience, were we able to reconstruct what had happened.

At around 8:15 a.m., an American B-29 bomber dropped a bomb that exploded at an altitude of 1,560 meters. The explosion was completely inaudible, but it was accompanied by a fiery beam that gave us the impression of a magnesium flame.

A few moments later something fell again, accompanied by a red flame, and exploded above the city at an altitude of 570 meters. This time the explosion was powerful.

The force of that second explosion was indescribable. Red and blue flames hissed in all directions. At the same time, a terrible thunderclap erupted, accompanied by unbearable heat waves that, setting everything on fire, descended upon the city.

This was the first moment of the tragedy. After that, a huge cloud formed, covering the sky. A terrifying mushroom cloud rose from the center of the explosion, and a wave of pressure, rushing at 500 miles per hour, swept away everything in its path within a six-kilometer radius. Finally, ten minutes later, black rain fell on the northwestern part of the city.

The Japanese, who did not know that an atomic bomb had exploded here, coined a word for this phenomenon in their mimetic language: “pikadon.” ‘Pika’ means a bright flash of light to them, and “don” is the sound that follows.

For us and for everyone else, it was unexplained. During four years of war we had seen the explosions of many bombs and grenades, but that explosion was something new and could not be compared to anything else. We had heard a lot about secret weapons, too, especially before the German collapse, but since we had never actually experienced one, we were convinced it was mostly propaganda.

Field Hospital

We wanted to go into town right away. It wasn’t some terrible curiosity. It wasn’t about looking for the wounded either, because many came to us, so there was no need We wanted to go into town right away. It wasn’t some terrible curiosity. Nor was it about looking for wounded, since many were coming to us, so there was no need to search for them. Above all, we wanted to find the dead bodies of our fathers and fulfill our brotherly duty to them. But we couldn’t get into the city. The fire blocked our way. The flames leaped from one house to another. Thick black smoke poured from the houses, enveloping everything, while the fire simultaneously destroyed whatever was made of wood.

This terrible disaster could be compared to the earthquake that had devastated Tokyo and Yokohama twenty years earlier. In both cases, there were about two hundred thousand dead.

We could not afford to lose time. We could only pray fervently and work without rest.

How must God feel in a disaster! And how that feeling is intensified when one thinks of the millions of people around them who do not pray to Him because they do not know Him! The entire moral weight of prayer fell upon us, a handful of Jesuits, who knew the One who can tame the waves of the sea and extinguish the flames of fire.

I remember that I first went to the chapel, one side of which had been torn to pieces, to pray to the Lord for light in that terrible darkness. Death and destruction everywhere, and we condemned to helplessness!

I came out of the chapel with a firm decision: we would turn our house into a hospital. Everyone accepted the idea with great enthusiasm. With much painful enthusiasm, they got to work. I remembered that I had once studied medicine. That was a very long time ago. Besides, I no longer had any practice. Yet in those moments I became a doctor and a surgeon.

First, I searched for my medical cabinet and found it in the ruins. I could only use a little iodine, aspirin, and the like. And there were more than two hundred thousand wounded. Where do we begin?

In that difficult war, all the natural resources had been exhausted. Food had long since been rationed to the extreme. There were many cases of tuberculosis among the people, so, accordingly, the world needed to be given a lot of food… And we ourselves had nothing! We lived like all the other Japanese on the little rice we received daily. We couldn’t save any of it.

I gathered all the young Jesuits around me and, in a few words, explained what needed to be done.

“Go,” I said to them, “wherever the Lord leads you and bring some food. Don’t ask me anything! I don’t care how, whether it’s borrowed, bought, or given. The only important thing is that all these people have food and that they get well.”

No one said anything more because in such circumstances, any comment is superfluous.

Everyone left, and a few of the fathers and I set out for Hiroshima, gathering up the wounded we came across. Before long, our house was full.

Much that we had not seen during the past four years now came to light: the selfless love that God has placed by nature in human souls. The poor local peasants, who had witnessed the bomb and fire from a safe distance, gave generously of everything they had, even offering us their last. None of our wounded ever complained of hunger, because we were always able to give them the bare necessities.

Those precautionary measures crowned our efforts with success. Not knowing how, but only because God willed it, we prevented leukemia and anemia in an unknown way, which afflict the majority of those struck by radioactive rays. The success was so great that only one child died among us.

While the young Jesuits took care of the food, I devoted myself to helping the world with my medical knowledge. First of all, the wounds had to be cleaned. The causes of these injuries were varied. Many were caused simply by excitement. There were broken bones and lacerations, but not the kind caused by a sword or a shovel, where the wound opening remains clean; rather, these were injuries that originated from the collapse of houses, when beams fall from the ceiling, creating a cloud of dust from bricks turned to powder. Sawdust, shards of broken glass, and often crushed bone enter the torn flesh. Other wounds were clean, like, for example, those that came from shattered bones. Those wounds are easier to clean and carry a lower risk of infection. But perhaps the most dangerous were the cases we received a few hours after the explosion, with blisters on the chest, abdomen, and back.

All of this was the understandable effect of an atomic bomb in a city that was almost entirely built of wood. The only unusual thing was that those who claimed they hadn’t been burned were also scorched.

To the question, “What happened to you?”—the answer was always the same:

“I don’t know. I saw a light, heard a terrible explosion, but nothing happened to me. However, after half an hour, I started to feel little blisters forming on my skin. Four to five hours later, they already looked like severe burns, and the next day they started to get infected.”

Today we know that these were the effects of infrared rays, which penetrate tissue and destroy not only the epidermis and endodermis but also the muscle tissue. The immediate consequence was widespread suppuration and then often an unexpected death, which at the time was completely incomprehensible to us.

We had to disinfect the wounds without chloroform or morphine because at that time we didn’t have a single narcotic. This procedure caused unbearable agony for those who often had more than a third of their skin exposed, writhing them in pain, yet not a single cry ever escaped their lips. This is further proof of Japanese self-control and patience. It is difficult to find another people on Earth that can endure so much.

Dantean Visions

The evaporation caused by that immense fire turned into a heavy rain around four o’clock, and it extinguished the fire on the ground. It continued, however, to burn beneath the charred beams and collapsed houses, but the downpour prevented new fires from breaking out. It was the moment when one could break through the ring of fire and enter the ruined city.

Before our eyes, a Dantean vision was unfolding. It is impossible to convey or describe. The dead and wounded lay mixed together, with no compassionate Neapolitan rescuer to spare a thought for them. We will never forget any of those we saw then. A heart-rending scream could be heard, its echo piercing the air like a dreadful howl. From throats already hoarse from the strain of hours of calling came sounds that had nothing human about them. But more poignant than any other sight was that of the abandoned children writhing in death, or the poor creature who had been writhing in agony for eight hours from a splinter of glass in its left eye. A terrible pain, for there was no one there to soothe its suffering with a kind word.

Even more terrifying was the sight of a man writhing in a pool of blood because a sharp splinter of wood was stuck in his ribs. He, too, had been like that for eight hours, the entire time with the wood piercing his chest. How he must have looked at us as we approached him! He seemed no longer alive. The lines of his face had turned ashen with pain. His half-open mouth trembled in a deathly struggle. His half-open mouth trembled in a death struggle. His hands, in desperate motions, kept reaching for his chest, but they didn’t have enough strength to pull out the axe that was killing him.

And his eyes came to life for a moment, as with his clenched lips he whispered that plea in a struggle—it was hard to say—of despair or hope.

Like him, there were many thousands more such creatures here who had not deserved to become victims of war and who were thus atoning for the sins of others.

How terrible a martyrdom that child must have endured whom we found between two beams with his legs burned to the knees! A house had collapsed on him, which was not merciful enough to have spared him unhurt, but not so merciless as to kill him. No, the child remained alive in the forks formed by two beams that had squeezed him, but did not kill him, in order to prolong his martyrdom. How terrifying it must have been for him, hanging there with no hope that anyone would remember him, and above all certain that the fire would soon reach him.

The house on the opposite side began to burn. The wind slowly but relentlessly drove the flames toward the child, who had to watch for several hours, unable to move, as the flames drew closer, ready to burn his legs first, and then his entire body. How much he must have suffered, how much he must have cried in his utter helplessness! For although Japanese stoicism can endure much, we cannot expect a ten-year-old child to do what many adults could not.

And the flame reached his legs, and the child began to feel the torture of the slow fire. Anyone who has read Menéndez Pelayo’s description of the death of Miguel Servet, burned alive, with the fire being applied from a distance to prolong his agony and delay his death, might be able to form an idea of what his suffering meant.

When we found the child, his legs were already burned. He was still alive, but it was no longer human life, but a rag that was not yet dead so that it could suffer more. In a similar way, many others died in a gentle, dying struggle, and I don’t understand how they didn’t give in to endless despair. We had to watch hundreds die before our very eyes without being able to call out to them—because they wouldn’t have heard that there is a God who could ease their transition from this world to eternity.

Ah, if only we could have given those souls even a single word of Christian comfort! But that was not possible. It was not possible for them to make a 180-degree turn in a single second. And we could not even stop, because our fathers were in the city center, which we had feared was completely lost.

Drowning in the River Delta

It took us five hours to reach our five fathers. They were all injured, but alive. Together with them, we set off back on a journey that lasted seven hours.

It was already a grim enough sight when we first passed through the city. That impression was heightened by the night-time reflections of the half-drawn blinds.

When we had to rest for a bit along the way, we heard moans somewhere very close to us, which were fading away. But they were so piercing that we decided to search for the victim of such agony. But it was all in vain. However, we kept hearing the moans as if they were coming from the ground, but our search always ended without success. Finally, we decided to continue on our way, when suddenly one of the fathers cried out loudly:

“It’s under us, Father! We’re stepping on it!”

We set to work removing the beams and parts of the houses. After a few minutes, we uncovered an old woman, who was barely breathing. Death rattle was coming from her mouth, the same sounds we had heard moments before. We pulled her out. Should we carry her with us? Absolutely impossible! A few moments later, she stopped breathing. The sight of her half-burnt body was horrifying.

Through the dead city streets, we reached the riverbank with our procession, which ran not far from the center of the explosion. And again, another indelible memory in the series of those endless, Dantean scenes!

In the moment of the tragedy and in the hours that followed, when the burns began to show their painful effects, many of the wounded sought refuge from the fire on the riverbank, and it became the cause of death for many thousands of unfortunate people.

In the mud of the delta they waited during the first hours of their misfortune, and in that time they lost blood and vital energy. When, at the start of night, the tide began to rise slowly but steadily, the water level rose in all the delta’s channels.

What misery for those who, completely weakened, had crawled into the mud and had to watch with their own eyes as the water closed in. Soon the final wave would come to cover them. Their mouths were full of water, but they could still breathe—until the new wave came, which finally covered them. It was horrible to listen to the wailing of all those who watched as death slowly but surely approached.

The next morning, the delta’s mud was covered in corpses. No one had escaped death.

All the voices we had heard during that hellish night concert fell silent.

Without Doctors and Medicine

It was already five in the morning when we were celebrating Mass. The chapel was packed with wounded men. Each tatami mat was a bed on which lay a single wounded man, in the first throes of his pain.

When I turned for the “The Lord be with you,” I saw a group of about fifty wounded men, who fixed their eyes on me with a look of wonder, but without the light of faith.

They were not believers. They did not believe that God was in the white Host I raised aloft with my own hands. Their ignorance was not due to any ill will. They had never heard anything about the mysteries hidden in Christ’s sacrifice.

They could not honor God with their faith, but they offered Him at least the gift of their silence. They would have done much more if only they had known these secrets. Many, in fact, of those who ended up in our makeshift hospital exchanged their Buddhist faith for Christ’s, but they were neither better nor worse than the others; they had simply met the great Unknown of the Cross and the Tabernacle.

When we fathers sat down after Mass to devise an effective remedy for treating the sick, God intervened again—in a miraculous way. In the morning around eight o’clock, a simple man, our neighbor, came and showed us a large sack he was holding in his hand.

“I would like to help those poor people, too,” he said. “I’ve been looking everywhere for something, and in the process, I found this bag full of white powder, which looks to me like a medicine. You can see for yourselves if it will be of any use to you.”

There were five kilograms of boric acid in the bag. That was exactly how we solved the problem. We made bandages from our own clothes and the household sheets, and with them we set to work, which was crowned with great success.

Our job consisted of applying dressings to the wounds, which we kept moist at all times with boric acid. In this way, we managed to reduce the pain somewhat and keep the wounds relatively clean and exposed to the air. The pus thus remained on the dressing. We changed the dressings several times a day, and in this way, we managed to keep the wounds free of germs.

During the healing process, we could observe that after about five days, the first signs of scabs began to appear. A slow process, admittedly, but a normal one, so that among the many who recovered, not a single case of recurrence could be established. When later, in scientific studies on the effects of the atomic bomb on the human body, a group from the A.B.C.C. (Atomic Bomb Casualty Center), contrary to us, expressed doubt that the bomb could adversely affect the healing process. We were able to prove with several hundred wounded that this was not true. We were more inclined to believe that poor wound care, rather than the explosion itself, was the cause of the poor healing.

We who were in Hiroshima and saw those original methods of treatment could very well explain why the wounds were getting worse instead of healing. The main reason for the general chaos was the shortage of doctors. Of the two hundred sixty doctors in the city, two hundred were killed by the explosion. Most of the sixty who remained were wounded.

For example, the director of the Red Cross hospital was trapped under the rubble of his house with six broken bones and was unable to provide any effective assistance. And so most of the victims fell into the hands of emergency aides and half-trained orderlies. Countless times we watched as hundreds of wounded waited patiently in front of the half-ruined building.

Often, they would come to the front after many hours of waiting. They would pass by the nurse, who, with the help of tweezers, would touch the wound with the mercurial bromide she had in a box with her, even though both the patient and the nurse knew that the mercurial bromide destroys tissue.

But these treatment procedures could still be called professional to some extent. But treatment at home was much worse.

The most common treatment was to apply the pulp of white turnips to the burn. The effect was an initial cooling sensation, but after half an hour, due to the Japanese summer sun and the pus oozing from the wound, a hard crust would form, causing indescribable pain. This was attempted to be prevented by placing mashed potatoes on the scab, but this only made it worse. It did, admittedly, make the whole thing look like a scab, but in reality, the wound had only closed badly. The infection remained beneath that crust.

Therefore, one of our main tasks was to run from house to house where the wounded were housed and to try to convince people that such a procedure brought certain death. When we succeeded, we would bring them to the point where they accepted simpler and much more effective methods. It was an extremely demanding job, and it went on for weeks. We had barely any time to sleep. We knew, after all, that even a quarter of an hour could be crucial in saving a human life—so who had time for rest?

Individual Cases

I could present many individual cases, but I will limit myself to just a few.

Two days after the explosion, just as I was tending to a wounded man, someone said to me:

“Look, Father, through the window!”

I went to the window and saw two young people, struggling with all their might to approach our house. She looked to be about twenty years old, while he looked much older. In fact, he was no older than twenty-three, but he was in the throes of death. He was literally crawling on his hands and knees, his every movement accompanied by a look of pain and exhaustion. The woman was dragging him, having tied a rope around his hips to ease his agonizing progress.

God, what a sight! The woman was biting her lip to keep from crying, and he to keep from screaming. From his hips to his head, his body was one single, open wound. It was the most severe case we had ever encountered. At the time, I believed there was no talk of recovery. I could not believe that this young man could be granted life once more.

I stood before him in doubt, but it only lasted a moment, for they both took my hand and began to plead for help.

“Help me, Father!” said the husband.

“We only got married a month ago, save my husband!” she added.

“It’s going to hurt a lot… I’ll see what can be done,” I replied.

But how wonderfully that man reacted! He looked at me firmly and then—I don’t know if he was being serious or cocky—said to me:

“Just get to work, I’ll hold out.”

And he kept his word. We placed him carefully on the operating table—my desk—and I began to clean him.

The pus, which had congealed deep in the wounds and was covered with a hard crust, wouldn’t come out. There was no chloroform, there was no ether, nothing to ease the pain. I set to work in a way that would bring him healing in the future, but also pain in the present. Without mercy, I dug into those pus-filled holes.

The poor man writhed in a cold sweat. He clenched his teeth with all his strength, and when he opened his eyes, he stared at me like a madman or a corpse. In the agony of those hours, during which I was his torturer, he repeated, to our astonishment, with a strain of will and in a broken, trembling voice:

“Go ahead! Do whatever you must! I can endure it! Just save me!”

In the end, we were both exhausted—he from the pain, and I from having to be the cause of it. But a human life was at stake, and no mercy that would have brought certain death was in order.

Eight months later, they both walked out of our house. One morning, I watched them as they came down the small hill on their way. They were walking happily, smiling… and… baptized. I felt the full depth of their happiness. I suffered greatly from the barbaric operation, but the joy of watching them be baptized made up for everything. God’s Providence had guided them and brought them to our house. If they had been just twenty-four hours late, it would have been fatal, as the first signs of poisoning were already beginning to appear.

I would not wish to end this painful enumeration of all those maimed lives without also briefly mentioning the fate of that Nakamurasan we have already spoken of.

She moved to Hiroshima. After the disaster, I heard nothing from her. When I was informed two weeks later that she had been injured and was in the ruins of her house, I immediately went to Hiroshima. The house ruins, however, offered no way to pinpoint a specific location. After I had been searching for her for four hours, several girls said to me:

“Father, over there, in that corner…”

I asked them to take me there. A Japanese person will never say “no” to a stranger, but those girls just replied:

“Yes… it’s just around the corner…”

I went there alone. Where they had told me, I found several beams supporting a collapsed tin roof. A half-meter-high wooden wall enclosed an open space inside. I wanted to go in, but the unbearable stench pushed me back. Nakamurasan was lying on the ground. She was one giant wound, oozing pus.

She had been lying like that for almost two weeks, with no care and no one to clean her. She ate only the little rice her father brought her, who was wounded himself. Her entire back was burned. When I tried to clean the wounds on her hips, I found a wide hole in the muscle mass, so large a hand could have been placed inside. Worms were already crawling inside.

When I cast my eyes on those horrors, my mind and my ability to comprehend failed me. But when Nakamurasan opened her eyes, I realized I was with her, and she spoke words I will never forget:

“Father Arrupe, are you bringing me Holy Communion?”

We brought her to Nagatsuka as best we could. The treatment was, once again, horrible. In a fever, the poor girl would hallucinate that some specter was going to slit her throat. I tried to calm her, and when I thought she was asleep, I went outside, but she noticed and became agitated again. So I had to spend many nights as a sentinel over her sleep.

After two months, she began to get better, but a heart attack took her life. Her father burned her. However, in the middle of the burning, the fire went out, so her father came to me. Thus, I had to see Nakamurasan’s dead body once again at midnight. Her face was still twitching in the flames.

A second incident occurred near our house, one that moved me deeply. I stopped—I don’t even know why—in front of a house. Inside was a dying boy. They let me in. The boy lay on the floor. His shoulders, half of his chest, and his arms were one continuous wound.

I knelt beside him. His big, innocent eyes looked at me sadly. He could barely speak. I wanted to turn him over to see the wounds on his back. He didn’t resist. But when I placed my hand on him and he felt my fingers on his festering wound, his silent, earnest plea grew stronger in his eyes, for it was the only way he could express himself. I lifted him and noticed that his entire back was oozing. Lying in one position for several days without being moved had restricted blood circulation, causing a scab to form.

How he must have endured the pain of his treatment at only thirteen years old! He behaved like a grown Japanese man. He writhed and breathed quickly, but he didn’t scream. He just stared at me more and more intently, holding back tears.

And so day after day went by, and his condition began to improve. I was prevented by an urgent matter, so I hadn’t set foot in that house for twenty-eight hours. When I was finally able to, I went in without asking permission, as custom otherwise requires.
But my mother stopped me and said mysteriously:

“Don’t go in to see him today, Father!”

I was greatly surprised.

“Why not?”

“He’s sleeping,” she said, but the tone of her reply made it clear that it was just an excuse.

“It’s alright! I’ll go in very slowly so I don’t wake him.”

I took off my shoes, determined to see the boy. When [the] mother saw my resolve, she didn’t dare to oppose me. I went in and turned pale as a corpse. From head to toe, they had smeared the boy with something red. Then I understood why his mother hadn’t wanted to let me near him.

“What have you done to him? What kind of ointment have you smeared him with?”

“I’m sorry,” the mother said very sadly. “A cousin of ours from the country brought us that medicine, and since it was completely red, we thought it would be good.”

I had given them a colorless medicine, so they probably thought it wouldn’t do any good.

I didn’t know what this home remedy was made of, but from the way it looked, it could have contained chromic acid, which was widely used at the time and had caused the death of many wounded men. I immediately set about removing the ointment and forbade them from doing anything without my knowledge. I then resumed the treatment, which had been completely successful for many, and it yielded good results for this boy as well.

This unusual interference delayed the boy’s recovery by a few days. Finally, he was able to get up, with large scabs, but without any serious damage. Not a single member of that family resented me for my strictness. Had they, in fact, prevented my method of treatment, I would not have been able to feel that inner joy of one day seeing them all baptized.

Radiation Belt

In the midst of the excitement of those days, something happened that greatly confused all of us. There were, in fact, many people who had been in the city at the time of the explosion but were not injured; however, after a few days they began to weaken and felt as if they were burning on the inside, and after a while they died.

I first encountered such a case while operating on an old woman. In the middle of the surgery, a man appeared in the room and said to me, terrified:

“Father, please, come to my son. His neck hurts terribly.”

Since I was just busy with a very difficult case, I was forced to give him a negative answer:

“If it’s just his throat, then it won’t be dangerous. Maybe it’s a bad cold or strep throat. Give him an aspirin and you’ll see he gets better.”

But I was wrong. A short time later, the young man died. What happened?

A little later, a girl came to me and said, crying:

“Look what this is.”

She opened her mouth, and I noticed that the flesh around her teeth was bleeding. Her entire inner mouth was full of small injuries—it resembled pharyngitis in an aggravated state. Then she took a handful of her hair: she could pull it out with no difficulty. Two days later, she was dead.

We examined various cases and discovered these symptoms: the dissolution of the blood-forming organs in the lymph glands, bone marrow, and spleen.

This was a specific case of radioactive disintegration. Once we understood the cause, we were able to help these poor victims with blood transfusions and thus save some lives.

Today, we know the radiation produced by an atomic explosion. The bomb produces three different types of waves:

1. An explosive wave that spreads out in a radius of six kilometers. In this belt, all Japanese houses were destroyed, while concrete structures and solidly built houses would remain, provided they were not later engulfed by fire.

These effects are not actually specific to the atomic bomb. As with any other powerful explosion, the bronchial system abnormally expands, the retina detaches, intracranial pressure increases, and so on.

2. The second wave (thermal), with a radius of three kilometers, develops a heat of ten million degrees and in that 2. The second wave (thermal), with a radius of three kilometers, generates heat of ten million degrees and creates infrared rays in that area, which destroy tissue. To protect oneself from them, a simple cloth, a wall, or any object will suffice.

3. Finally, the third wave is radioactive, extending in a radius of one and a half kilometers. Its effect is identical to any radioactive exposure; that is, it is like the effects that occur in the human body if it is overexposed to X-rays. It reduces red and white blood cells—blisters and swellings form on the flesh around the teeth, in the mouth, and in the throat, spots appear on the skin, hair falls out, the temperature rises sharply, and there is a urge to vomit frequently.

These, then, are the terrible effects of the atomic bomb. They are terrible, but by no means scientifically inexplorable, as was suggested by newspaper reports.

The reason for the talk of the shadows in Hiroshima, which would appear and then vanish, was simply this: the rise in temperature during the second wave occurred in a single instant. If, therefore, a person or any object were in front of the wall, both the wall and the object would be blackened, so that what we would call the shadow of the object would remain on the background as a glowing silhouette.

For a day after the explosion, we didn’t know it was an atomic bomb and that it had stained the world with blood as a weapon of war. Without electricity, telephones, or radio, we were completely cut off from the outside world. It was twenty-four hours before the first relief trains arrived from Tokyo, Osaka, and Kobe.

The trains stopped at a station outside the city. To our impatient questions, we heard only one answer:

“An atomic bomb has exploded.”

And so, our desire to learn more details about that terrible weapon was stopped by a thick wall of general ignorance. They knew the name; we knew the effects. But neither we nor they understood the reasons and the consequences that could follow. The prospect that this terrible weapon would be cataloged in dictionaries under the heading “atomic bomb” offered us no help in our efforts to rescue the wounded, nor did it provide us with any medical guidance in our bewilderment.

However, the secrets surrounding the entire affair were of great help to us, especially from a missionary standpoint. We were told:

“Do not go into the city because it is covered in a gas that is fatal to people over seventy years of age.”

It was a time when we once again felt our priestly responsibility in its fullness. In the city, there were more than fifty thousand dead bodies that had to be burned to prevent the spread of the terrible epidemic throughout the entire province. In addition, there were one hundred twenty thousand wounded who had not yet received their first medical attention.

From that point of view, we could not stay away from the city, in order to save our own lives. Faced with the certain death that awaited us, by all accounts, we made one of those powerful promises that are made only to God. We went into the city, therefore, and burned entire pyramids of dead bodies, dousing them with kerosene for that purpose.

That’s how we cleared the streets. However, after four days, the stench, which was particularly strong in the scorching heat of the pavement, told us that there were still corpses in the process of decomposition. We lifted beams and walls and found entire families buried in their own homes. How many of them had struggled in their graves for hours, even days!

With the help of passersby, we again burned entire piles of corpses.

Straining every last ounce of strength in this terrible task, we felt completely exhausted at the end of the first day. In addition, a fear of the gas, which was said to have been seeping for over seventy years and whose effects could be fatal, was working in our subconscious.

Today we laugh when we remember how, at the slightest headache or neck pain, we would anxiously ask, “Father, do you feel anything unusual? Could it perhaps be…?” No further words were needed. We all waited resignedly for something that—fortunately—never came.

In the Sign of Peace

The authorities were still asking us to leave the city. After the war, they were no longer afraid of our espionage, but of violence from the population against us foreigners. An hour of unconditional surrender is always dangerous.

We set up a hospital for atomic bomb victims with no benefit to ourselves, but even so, there was a suspicion that the people would take revenge on foreigners for their own defeat.

During those four years of war and their numerous interrogations and examinations, there was something I have not yet mentioned: namely, the demand that we leave the house and move away from Hiroshima.

They ordered us to do this four times a year, but we could always avert the danger by saying we didn’t know where we were supposed to go. It wasn’t an easy matter for us to relocate our community, primarily because our house in Tokyo had burned down in an air raid.

Since we would do anything to avoid complying with the summons, they would leave, but in their naivete, they would reappear in three months as if it were a new matter. After the war, one day a few representatives of the authorities came to me. They demanded that we finally vacate the house.

“Impossible,” I replied. “You see, I don’t know where to put my people. I certainly can’t leave them on the street.”

“We understand that completely,” one of them replied. “We have therefore solved that problem so that you can comply with our order immediately.”

“Then tell us what to do.”

“There is a wonderful hotel on Lake Tai, which you can have from tomorrow. It is on a lake and surrounded on all sides by hills. No one will bother you there. The place is situated on a height and is very healthy.”

And so it was. My heart soared when I visited the place they had offered us. The students of our community were already exhausted after many years of study due to the food shortages and nervousness of the war years. They absolutely needed peace. That manor house at Lake 113, especially in August, was a godsend for the students to recover their health. I could not have imagined anything better, not even in my dreams.

But there was one more thing to sort out. They insisted that we all go, but I told them right from the start that I wasn’t going. After all, how could I go when we had another one hundred and fifty wounded in the house? I was the only doctor in the area and knew from experience what would become of the patients if I were to leave them in the hands of amateurs.

Since my position was much more humane than theirs, they finally agreed to my proposal that I stay in the house with five priests, who would help me care for the sick. And so we immediately began to prepare to move.

Two weeks later, they all returned enthusiastic, physically refreshed and spiritually strengthened, so that they could resume their studies.

Behold, how true are the Lord’s words: “You will receive a hundredfold reward for your work and eternal life.”

Who would have ever guessed that in the midst of that disaster we would be forced to take a vacation, and a free one at that, even in a beautiful hotel on the lake? Providence proved to be very motherly toward us.

Although we saw that our youth was exhausted from a lot of work, it never occurred to us to give them a vacation at that time. The young men would have reluctantly refused such a suggestion. However, God intervened in the matter and forced them to do so through the Japanese police. Once again, we were all together.

The victors and the vanquished

It must have been an impressive sight when the victors and the vanquished first came into contact with each other. Suspicion on one side, fear on the other. At the end of a war, resistance groups often form among the vanquished, while those who send their occupying troops frequently display great savagery and brutality. However, there were no conflicts. The one side’s capitulation was honorable, the other’s administration, chivalrous. No exploitation, no betrayals! A tacit agreement, the only one possible under those circumstances.

When the American occupation troops entered Hiroshima, Catholics often began inviting me to say Mass for them on the ships that had anchored in the harbor.

As soon as they learned of our meager food supplies, they showed the generosity characteristic of them. I never received the Mass stipends in cash, which had no value after the war. After all, what can you buy with it when there is nothing for sale in the shops? And so, every one of my apostolic excursions was generously rewarded with boxes and cans of all colors, various sizes, and all kinds of contents.

Since I was looking after the entire community, I did everything possible to get them to give me what I wanted. And I didn’t want to hinder their generosity.

I noticed, however, that it was filling at an extraordinary rate, even though there was room in it for only one-fifth of what they wanted to give us. I therefore had to keep enlarging it until it reached a considerable size. But the captains had no sense of measure in their generosity.

I continued my apostolate and carried with me a large chest, inside which was a slightly smaller one, and in that a third. They all filled up and were so heavy that I had to drive home or need an assistant to carry half of it. My arrival home was almost always met with “We Praise God,” because it meant the students’ food supply was secure again for a few days…

 

79th Anniversary of the Two Worst War Crimes of All Time: US Dropping Nuclear Bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki

4 April, 1946: Young girl, Chiyoko Morimoto, blinded in both eyes by 6 August 1945 US nuclear bomb dropped on Hiroshima, sits on roof of Hiroshima Communication Hospital, with massive destruction of the city visible behind her 8 months after attack. If insane US capitalist class and their senile Democratic Party flunky Joe Biden get their way, US cities and the workers living in them could soon look exactly like this.  Source: National Security Archive YouTube account video: “Medical aspect 342 USAF 11003” at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d0-VLWOp3ec

As the world’s #1 terrorist capitalist class – the greed-maddened, mass-murdering US capitalist class – continues to drive the world towards a nuclear World War Three, we once again honor the victims of the bloodthirstiness of the US capitalist class who were gratuitously slaughtered on August 6 and 9 at Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Screenshot from US Air Force film taken in Hiroshima, Japan on 4 April 1946: Hiroshima Communication Hospital patient Kimiko Towamato, Left shoulder, arm, and face burned from 6 August 1945 US nuclear bomb attack on Hiroshima. In the background you can see the widespread devastation still evident in the city almost a year after the attack.  Screenshot by @iwpchi

“Those who forget the past are condemned to repeat it”; and, tragically, the citizens of the Western Hemisphere, particularly the US, Canada and Europe – seem to have forgotten the horrors that descended on the workers of Hiroshima and Nagasaki 79 years ago.  How else can we explain why, 40 years ago, when a previous senile madman of a US President, Republican Ronald Reagan began to brandish nuclear blackmail against the Soviet Union, millions of workers in Europe and the US took to the streets in protest, while, today, when senile Democrat Joe Biden does the same thing, the working classes of the US and Europe sit stupidly on their hands and do nothing?

AP News Archive: “5 [November] 81 PROTEST IN PARIS AGAINST THE INSTALLATION OF US NUCLEAR MISSILES IN WESTERN EUROPE” Screenshot edited by @iwpchi

Once upon a time, in ancient history (40 years ago), when the belligerence of the US capitalist class and their flunky, Reagan, had brought the world closer to nuclear armageddon than at any time since the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, the working classes of the world rose up in mass protest; remember the huge worldwide  protests in the US largely spearheaded by Australia’s Dr. Helen Caldicott and her organizations, Physicians for Social Responsibility and Women’s Action for Nuclear Disarmament, in the 1980s?  At the same time, throughout Europe, hundreds of thousands of socialist and communist workers marched in protest against the prospect of the US deploying intercontinental ballistic nuclear weapons in Western Europe (here is one video showing a 100,000-strong demonstration on 5 November 1981 that took place in Paris, France.) Where is the working class today, when the greed-insane US capitalist class and their war machine are desperately endeavoring to start not one but TWO nuclear wars, with Socialist China and capitalist Russia – at the same time?  Have you forgotten what nuclear war does to people?

Screenshot from US Army Air Force film shot on 4 April 1946 at Hiroshima Communications Hospital showing young girl Kimiko Towamato’s flash-burned face. Screenshot by @iwpchi from film “Medical aspect 342 USAF 11003”

If so, this will hopefully be a not-so-gentle reminder to you that unless the working class takes matters into its own hands and overthrows the capitalist classes of the US, UK, EU, Russia, and Ukraine (to name just a few of the most ruthless capitalist criminals of our time), World War III is going to become a reality, and hundreds of millions of you and of course your children and your pets and your X boxes, Playstations and i-Phones are going to get incinerated; there is no existing technology that can stop 100% of the nuclear weapons from reaching their targets in the USA and Europe.  There’s nowhere for you to hide from today’s nuclear weapons, which are far, far more powerful than the mere firecrackers that instantly butchered over 200,000 workers in Japan in 1945.

4 April 1946, Hiroshima Communication Hospital: woman, Machiyo Takinoto, with severe burns from 6 August 1945 US nuclear bomb attack on Hiroshima on her breasts, shoulders and both arms. Screenshot by @iwpchi from US Army Air Force film “Medical aspect 342 USAF 11003”

On this 79th anniversary of the US mass-murder of Japanese workers at Hiroshima, we would like to attempt to draw your attention away from watching Tik-Tok videos of cute animals in order for you to briefly contemplate what you and your children stand to lose if you continue to remain apathetic in the face of your capitalist masters’ insane lust for war with two nuclear superpowers.  This extremely graphic video, “Medical aspect 342 USAF 11003“, illustrating the kinds of horrendous injuries the “lucky survivors” of the bombing of Hiroshima suffered, was posted on YouTube a year ago; and in that time a grand total of just 430 people on the whole planet took the time to watch it! 

4 April 1946, Hiroshima Communication Hospital: Doctor Hachiya examining girl, Chiyoko Morimoto’s eyes, burned out by US nuclear bomb dropped on Hiroshima on 6 August 1945. Screenshot by @iwpchi from US Air Force film “Medical aspect 342 USAF 11003”

When we say “there’s no future for the working class under the capitalist system”, we’re not just blowing smoke up your asses.  It is the height of insanity to sit idly by while “your” capitalist masters launch war after war after war, slaughtering tens of thousands of your working-class sisters and brothers every year – using your hard earned tax dollars to do it!  Unless these capitalist madmen and women running the US, UK and EU are overthrown by the working class  and replaced with egalitarian socialist workers governments, everything you pretend to hold dear will be incinerated before your very eyes.  A nuclear war between Russia, China and the US would almost certainly mean the complete destruction of every major city and military installation in the USA – that means YOU and YOUR FAMILIES!

So wake up and get moving before it’s too late!

Dump The Republicrats: Dump ALL Pro-capitalist political parties!  Build Revolutionary Trotskyist  Workers Parties NOW! 

— IWPCHI

 

How Revolutionary Petit-Bourgeoisie Declared Their Political Independence From Pro-British Colonial Aristocracy by Forming a Revolutionary Vanguard Party: The Sons of Liberty

On this 4th of July, I am pleased to present to our readers two selections describing what was essentially the political declaration of independence of the emerging colonial American petit-bourgeoisie from the conservative pro-British landed aristocracy, eager to reach a compromise with Great Britain over the hated Stamp Act of 1765: the secret military pact proposed by former privateer and merchant Isaac Sears and his New York Sons of Liberty organization to their comrades in Connecticut.  This in effect created what would evolve into a revolutionary dual power situation in the colonies in opposition to Britain’s “legitimate” colonial administrative apparatus; this facilitated the development of the semi-underground revolutionary colonial government which would finally, openly, declare its independence from Great Britain 11 years later.

The first document is an excerpt from the late Robert J. Christen’s excellent “King Sears: Politician and Patriot in a Decade of Revolution – Chapter II: Isaac Sears and the Stamp Act Crisis” which sets the stage for the daring act of Sears and the clandestine Sons of Liberty (SoL) of New York in proposing a secret military pact with the Connecticut SoL to defend each other no matter what consequences would ensue at the hands of the British military forces due to their intransigence in opposing the Stamp Act (which is this second document, reproduced from William Gordon’s 1788 4-volume work “The History of the Rise, Progress and Establishment of the Independence of the United States of America”).

Isaac Sears, long denigrated by reactionary historians of the American Revolution as a mere demagogue and rouser of the “rabble” (the British aristocracy’s epithet to describe the maritime working class whose potential for leading an economic uprising they feared in precisely the same way and to the same degree slaveowners feared the uprising of their human property), was in fact one of the most heroic and self-sacrificing of the early leaders of the Revolution.  Having been a ship captain and, essentially, a daring pirate in his early career, he had excellent connections and reputation among the sailors throughout the colonies, as well as political connections with the more radical members of the colonial landed aristocracy – particularly in New York.  Whenever his aristocratic backers got cold feet when it came to advancing the colonial cause against Great Britain, Sears was able to effectively use the threat of unleashing the “Sons of Neptune” in order to compel the aristocrats to either get back in line or at least get out of the way of the more revolutionary-minded maritime working class: one of the two most economically powerful workforces of that era (the other being, of course, the slaves working the vast plantations of both the South and North in 1765).

The heroic working- and middle-class men and women who besieged the U.S. Congress on January 6th, 2021 in order to make plain their outrage at what they believe – almost certainly correctly – had been massive electoral fraud in the 2020 election were acting in precisely the same manner as their equally heroic predecessors in the Sons of Liberty.  For over a century, the US Government’s police state forces have successfully prevented every attempt made by the working class super-majority of the USA to create its own political party – starting with the then-new FBI’s attacks against socialists opposing World War I (the “first Red Scare”) to the nationwide COINTELPRO attacks of the 1940s-1970s on the Communists and Trotskyists to the murderous attacks on the Black Panther and MOVE organizations to the Deep State and bourgeois press’s attacks on activists from Occupy Wall St. and Black Lives Matter to the Jan. 6th protestors to the African People’s Socialist Party/UHURU to the Jan. 6th protestors and the pro-Palestinian activists!  Today’s US working class – like their predecessors of 1765 – are facing brutal “taxation without representation”, having been essentially completely locked out of “The World’s Greatest Democracy(TM)” since World War One!  This is why we are stuck with the nightmare of a two-party system that is presenting us with the two worst “choices” ever presented to an American electorate!  The working class desperately needs its own workers party, 100% financed by the working class and representing the interests of the working-class super-majority!  US Government: hands off the January 6th protestors!  Drop all the charges NOW!  FBI: Hands off the African People’s Socialist Party!  Drop all the charges against the pro-Palestinian activists NOW!

Ironically, despite his heroic activity in the period from 1765 to 1775, Isaac Sears was unable to secure the kind of leading role in the Revolution that he thought he deserved: he had hoped that the Continental Congress would appoint him to a top naval rank in the new American Navy; but, apparently, it was thought among the more conservative members of Congress that appointing a man so hated by the British to a top Naval command would completely extinguish any glimmer of hope of a last-minute rapprochement with Great Britain.  Denied even an appointment to any military command at all, Sears, bitterly disappointed, seems to have retired to private life for the remainder of the Revolution.  He died in Batavia, Dutch East Indies in 1786 and is buried on a harbor island in Canton, China.

In the American Revolution, initiated and largely fought and won by the maritime and agricultural workers of the colonies, the working class ended up being robbed of the fruits of their victory by the combined forces of the landed slave-owning aristocracy of the South and emerging industrial bourgeoisie of the North; under the new “revolutionary” bourgeois mercantilist government, only white males who owned a significant amount of property were allowed to vote – approximately 80% of the population was effectively disfranchised! It wasn’t until 1920 that white women were allowed to vote; and it wasn’t until the 1970s civil rights laws were passed that all adult workers were legally allowed to vote.  The history of “The World’s Greatest Democracy(TM)” isn’t over 240 years old; its history doesn’t even begin until the 1970s; and meanwhile, in reality, the number of political parties actually allowed to participate in U.S. elections has been steadily reduced by police-state/deep state repression until just 2 parties – both owned and operated by and in the interests of the wealthiest 1% of the U.S population, the upper echelons of the U.S. capitalist class – can run candidates in any state or national election!  To call the United States of America “The World’s Greatest Democracy(TM)” is “The World’s Greatest Lie”!  It’s going to take another American Revolution to fix this; and it’s going to take a modern-day version of Isaac Sears’ “Sons of Liberty” party to do it: a revolutionary Trotskyist political party created by and for the working class super-majority.  That’s the kind of party we want to build!

—IWPCHI/IWPLA

Watch Moon’s Shadow Race Across North America During 8 April 2024 Solar Eclipse

Courtesy of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s GOES-East satellite we are pleased to provide our readers with a GIF animation of the Moon’s shadow racing across North America during the 8 April 2024 Solar Eclipse.

This animation is composed of 48 satellite images taken over an 8-hour period, capturing the entire sequence of the eclipse event from the western coast of Mexico until the shadow disappears into the North Atlantic.  You can download a copy of it here (115 mb .gif file):  https://iwpchi.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/g16_fd_geocolor_48fr_20240408-1820.gif

CREDIT:  Cooperative Institute for Research in the Atmosphere (CIRA) and NOAA

Women’s History Month: Honoring Slavery Abolitionist and Feminist Poet and Novelist, Amelia Alderson Opie

Amelia Alderson Opie, portrait by her husband John Opie, 1798.  Public domain.

We are very pleased to be able to contribute to the celebration of Women’s History Month by offering our readers a facsimile reproduction of 19th century British anti-slavery activist, feminist poet and novelist Amelia Alderson Opie‘s 1826 children’s book “The Black Man’s Lament: Or, How To Make Sugar“.

Amelia Alderson was born on 12 November 1769 in the midst of one of the greatest revolutionary eras in world history.  An only daughter of a Norwich physician and a mother who taught her to respect people of all walks of life and social classes; by 1804 she had become a successful writer and had published a novel in which her anti-slavery sentiments were expressed.   She was fortunate to have lived at a time when courageous women were asserting their rights more and more forcefully, and some men were beginning to accept intelligent women into their intellectual gatherings; she became friends with many of the most brilliant thinkers, writers and actors of her age, including the legendary actress and “undisputed Queen of Drury Lane” Sarah Siddons, Siddons’ brother and fellow brilliant actor John Philip Kemble, author and radical political scientist William Godwin and his wife, pioneering feminist writer and philosopher Mary WollstonecraftBoth Alderson and Wollstonecraft were associated with the Blue Stockings Society, an early association organized by leading women of the mid-1700s that admitted men into their company to discuss literature and the arts (discussion of politics was deprecated at their gatherings).  This salon attracted such luminaries of that time as salon hostess Elizabeth Montagu and the genius linguist, poet, writer, translator and astronomer (among a few of her accomplishments) Elizabeth Carter.

In 1798 Alderson married the portrait painter John Opie, whose brilliant work brought him commissions to paint many of the most illustrious men and women of their time and enabled them to participate in the highest levels of philosophical discussions of the era.

Another of Alderson Opie’s close friends, Joseph John Gurney, fellow abolitionist and staunch anti-slavery leader of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) convinced her to join them in 1825.  Working with fellow anti-slavery activist and archaeology enthusiast Anna Gurney, Opie co-founded a branch of the Ladies Anti-Slavery Society in Norwich, England.  In 1840, Opie was one of the few female participants included in the group portrait of that year’s meeting of the World Anti-Slavery Convention, held in London.

Amelia Alderson Opie portrayed in the front ranks of women attending the  World Anti-Slavery Convention held in London in June of 1840 (outlined in red, center right).  To her immediate right is Anne Isabella Noel Byron (Lady Byron, Lord Byron’s wife); to her left is abolitionist Mary Anne Rawson.  Co-founder of the British anti-slavery movement Thomas Clarkson is addressing the meeting; his daughter-in-law Mary Clarkson is seated to his right. Seated almost directly in front of Opie is the charge d’affaires of revolutionary Haiti in London and Paris, Jean-Baptiste Symphor Linstant de Pradine.  Source: National Picture Gallery, London.

In 1833, Opie’s Norwich Ladies Anti-Slavery Society presented a petition to Parliament calling for the abolition of slavery which contained some “187,000 female signatures”;  According to a report in pioneering American abolitionist Benjamin Lundy‘s “Genius of Universal Emancipation” (Vol. 12, Whole Number 287, September, 1833), it took four men to lay this enormous petition on the table in the House of Commons.  “At the head of it stood the name of the celebrated Amelia Opie…”

Opie’s husband had died in 1807; she lived an active life until her death on 2 December 1853 at Norwich, having spent her later years visiting and receiving her many friends between London and Norwich and corresponding with writers from around the world.

—IWPCHI

 

 

 

 

 

 

Full Text of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Address to the 2023 BRICS Summit

We have been warning our readers about the start of World War III between US/NATO  – and their Nazi-dominated puppet government in Ukraine – and Russia and Socialist China since it escalated into open warfare in February 2022.

Today, the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, in an address to the 2023 BRICS Summit in Johannesburg, South Africa, made it absolutely clear that the savage economic, political and military warfare the US has been waging against Russia via it’s puppets in Kiev is about to be responded to in kind, in a manner designed to eventually – permanently – dislodge the US dollar as the world’s primary reserve currency.  This is economic warfare at its most dangerous, and portends a major escalation of WWIII from a mere border clash to, ultimately, nuclear war between Russia and the US.  We republish his speech here so that workers around the world can read it in its entirety; we expect the bourgeois press to do all it can to misquote, exaggerate, falsify and censor it; this is why we are publishing the complete text as it was published in English on the official website of the President of the Russian Federation.

We do not in any way support the capitalist Russian government politically or militarily in any way; in fact, in the current war between Russia and US/NATO-backed Ukraine, we call for workers socialist revolutions to overthrow ALL of the governments involved, from Washington to Moscow. But this address, in my opinion, is world-historic in that it raises the economic stakes so high as to preclude any kind of de-escalation of WWIII that was initiated solely by the US capitalist class and their government;  there is no way that the madmen and madwomen running the US are going to allow their insane drive for complete domination of the world’s economy be derailed by ANYONE, and especially not Vladimir Putin.  This massive, purely defensive escalation of economic warfare between Russia and the US places them in a position which, historically, has ALWAYS been resolved through savage wars between the principal adversaries and their allies.

Whether or not the rest of the BRICS nations are willing to follow Russia’s lead in attempting to dislodge the US dollar permanently as the world’s #1 reserve currency – declaring open economic warfare against the US in the process is not in their best political or economic interest in the short run – Putin today announced that as precisely what Russia intends to do as one of the two leading nuclear-armed superpowers in the BRICS coalition. In this speech, President Putin points out the tremendous economic progress the BRICS countries have already achieved against the leading industrialized nations of the Group of 7 (G7):

  “The figures speak for themselves. Over the last decade, mutual investments among the BRICS countries have increased six-fold. Their overall investments in global economy have doubled, and their total exports have reached 20 percent of the world exports […] I would also like to point out that the share of the BRICS countries, with their population totalling more than three billion people, now accounts for nearly 26 percent of the global GDP; our five countries are ahead of the G7 in terms of purchasing power parity (the forecast for 2023 is 31.5 percent against 30 percent) […]  The objective and irreversible process of the de-dollarization of our economic ties is gaining pace. We are working to fine-tune effective mechanisms for mutual settlements and monetary and financial control. As a result, the share of US dollar in export and import operations within BRICS is declining: last year it stood at only 28.7 percent […]  during this summit we will discuss in detail the entire range of issues related to the transition to national currencies in all areas of economic cooperation between our five nations. The BRICS New Development Bank, which has already become a credible alternative to existing Western development institutions, has a great role to play in these efforts.”

Pres. Putin also outlines two major new trade routes Russia intends to establish to facilitate trade between Russia and its BRICS partners around the world – both of which the US will do all it can do to disrupt.  For those of you who pretend that Climate Change is a fraud, one of these trade routes will be “the Northern Sea Route […]  Russia has already adopted and launched a large-scale, multi-year plan to develop its infrastructure. We intend to build fuel terminals, hub ports to ensure connections with road and rail transport. The icebreaking fleet is being expanded, first of all by commissioning nuclear-powered vessels that have no analogues in the world. 

“As for the North‑South Transport Corridor, it will connect Russian ports on the Arctic seas and the Baltic Sea with offshore terminals in the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean, thereby providing opportunities to increase cargo transportation between Eurasian and African countries. Besides, this will certainly give impetus to developing new industrial, trade and logistics facilities along the route.”  [SOURCE: http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/72085]

Revolutionary socialists have always declared that “there is literally no future for the working class under the capitalist system”.  Right now the workers of the major industrialized nations in the northern hemisphere are being driven down the road to a nuclear WWIII at a pace that is absolutely stunning – and, equally stunning:  there has been practically NO WORKING CLASS OPPOSITION to the drive to World War Three as there was in the US and Europe in the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s and 1980s every time that the US threatened to launch it against, in turn, the bureaucratized socialist workers states of the USSR, China, the DPRK (North Korea), Cuba and Vietnam.  Unless the working class stands up and starts fighting to oppose this insane drive towards WWIII, IT WILL HAPPEN!  The capitalist greed-heads running the governments of the world care NOTHING about human beings; not even their own families!  All they care about is MONEY, period!  They apparently believe that they will survive a nuclear holocaust in their underground bunkers, and after slaughtering hundreds of millions of their citizens, they will emerge victorious from their rat-holes and be welcomed by the survivors of the nuclear bloodbath – and resume their duties as government leaders as if nothing happened!  They are completely insane – and unless the working class takes these weapons of mass destruction out of their hands permanently, it is only a matter of time before they stagger their way into blowing up the entire northern hemisphere, killing all of us!  Join us to put an end to this madness NOW!

Dump ALL pro-capitalist parties and build revolutionary Trotskyist parties!  For workers socialist revolution throughout the capitalist world!

—- IWPCHI

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SOURCE: http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/72085

[N.B.:  This address of Vladimir Putin to the BRICS summit meeting in South Africa had to be given via video from Moscow, because the US – which refuses to allow its own government or military to be subject to rulings of the International Criminal Court – has conspired to get that court to issue an indictment and an International Arrest Warrant against Putin for alleged “crimes against humanity” in Ukraine, making it impossible for him to travel to South Africa personally, in spite of South African President Cyril Ramaphosa’s assurances that his government would not honor the arrest warrant if Putin attended the summit.  The US has proven again and again that it will wantonly violate international laws and norms of conduct in order to attack its enemies; this US-concocted threat against the Russian head of state is just another manifestation of the US’ intention to provoke open war – WWIII – between the US, its puppet NATO allies, and Russia.  —- IWPCHI]

Video Address to the Participants in the BRICS Business Forum

Vladimir Putin made a video address to guests and participants in the BRICS Business Forum, which is traditionally held ahead of the BRICS summit.

19:10

The 15th BRICS summit is taking place on August 22–24 in Johannesburg (South Africa). The theme of the session is “BRICS and Africa: Partnership for Mutually Accelerated Growth, Sustainable Development and Inclusive Multilateralism.” The leaders of the Group of Five will discuss current international and regional challenges, as well as achievements and goals of the BRICS strategic partnership in the political, economic, cultural and humanitarian areas. Special attention will be paid to issues of BRICS institutional development, including expansion of the association and creation of payment infrastructure resistant to external risks.

* * *

Video Address to the Participants in the BRICS Business Forum

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Esteemed President Ramaphosa, ladies and gentlemen, friends,

I am pleased to greet representatives of government institutions and business, specialists and industry experts who have gathered for this meeting of the BRICS Business Forum.

I would like to note that holding such business forums on a regular basis, along with the systemic work of the BRICS Business Council, which brings together top businessmen and heads of major companies of the five countries, plays an immense practical role in promoting mutual trade and investments, enhancing cooperation ties and expanding direct dialogue among the business communities – and thus effectively contributes to accelerated socio-economic growth of our states and achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals.

It is important that this Forum focuses on such pressing issues as the post-pandemic economic recovery of the BRICS states, improvement of citizens’ well-being, industrial modernization, development of effective transport and logistics chains, and stimulation of equitable technology transfers.

These challenging and complex tasks need to be tackled against the backdrop of the increasing volatility in stock, currency, energy and food markets, coupled with substantial inflationary pressure stemming from, inter alia, the irresponsible large-scale money creation by a number of countries seeking to mitigate the effects of the pandemic, which has led to the accumulation of private and public debt.

The global economic situation is also seriously affected by the illegitimate sanctions practice and illegal freezing of assets of sovereign states, which essentially amounts to the trampling upon all the basic norms and rules of free trade and economic life – norms and rules that not so long ago seemed immutable.

Shortage of resources, growing inequality, rising unemployment, and aggravation of other chronic problems in the global economy are the direct consequences of this. Prices for food, basic agricultural products and crops are forced up, making the most vulnerable, poor countries suffer the most.

Importantly, under these circumstances, the BRICS states have stepped up their interaction, and our joint work to ensure economic growth and sustainable development brings concrete, tangible results. More and more new infrastructure and investment projects are being launched, mutual trade is growing, industry contacts are expanding.

The main thing is that our cooperation is based on the principles of equality, partner support, and respect for each other’s interests. And that is what lies at the core of our Association’s forward-looking strategic course – the course that reflects the aspirations of most of the world’s community, the so-called global majority.

The figures speak for themselves. Over the last decade, mutual investments among the BRICS countries have increased six-fold. Their overall investments in global economy have doubled, and their total exports have reached 20 percent of the world exports.

As for Russia, the trade volume with our BRICS partners has increased by 40.5 percent, reaching a record of over 230 billion US dollars. In the first half of this year it grew by 35.6 percent compared with the same period in 2022 and constituted 134.7 billion US dollars.

I would also like to point out that the share of the BRICS countries, with their population totalling more than three billion people, now accounts for nearly 26 percent of the global GDP; our five countries are ahead of the G7 in terms of purchasing power parity (the forecast for 2023 is 31.5 percent against 30 percent).

The objective and irreversible process of the de-dollarization of our economic ties is gaining pace. We are working to fine-tune effective mechanisms for mutual settlements and monetary and financial control. As a result, the share of US dollar in export and import operations within BRICS is declining: last year it stood at only 28.7 percent.

Incidentally, during this summit we will discuss in detail the entire range of issues related to the transition to national currencies in all areas of economic cooperation between our five nations. The BRICS New Development Bank, which has already become a credible alternative to existing Western development institutions, has a great role to play in these efforts.

It is only natural that enhancing connectivity and creating new sustainable traffic arteries have become a shared priority in cooperation between our five countries. In this context, the BRICS Business Council’s initiative to work out modern intermodal logistics solutions and develop railway transport corridors is of particular importance.

For its part, Russia actively works to redirect its traffic and logistics flows to reliable foreign partners, including in the BRICS states. Our flagship projects include the Northern Sea Route and the new International North‑South Transport Corridor. These two major transport arteries aim to provide the shortest and most cost-effective trade routes to link major industrial, agricultural and energy hubs with consumer markets.

With regard to the Northern Sea Route, I would like to emphasize that Russia has already adopted and launched a large-scale, multi-year plan to develop its infrastructure. We intend to build fuel terminals, hub ports to ensure connections with road and rail transport. The icebreaking fleet is being expanded, first of all by commissioning nuclear-powered vessels that have no analogues in the world.

As for the North‑South Transport Corridor, it will connect Russian ports on the Arctic seas and the Baltic Sea with offshore terminals in the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean, thereby providing opportunities to increase cargo transportation between Eurasian and African countries. Besides, this will certainly give impetus to developing new industrial, trade and logistics facilities along the route.

Russia stands for greater cooperation within BRICS as regards reliable and uninterrupted supplies of energy and food resources to the world markets. We are consistently increasing supplies of fuel, agricultural products and fertilizers to countries in the Global South, making a significant contribution to strengthening global food and energy security, addressing acute humanitarian issues and fighting hunger and poverty in countries in need.

All these issues, in particular, were discussed in depth at the recent Russia–Africa Summit. For example, last year trade in agricultural products between Russia and African states grew by 10 percent and amounted to 6.7 billion US dollars. And in January-June this year, it increased by another record 60 percent. Our country is and will remain a responsible supplier of food to the African continent.

Russian grain exports to Africa amounted to 11.5 million tonnes in 2022 and almost 10 million tonnes in the first six months of 2023. This is despite the unlawful sanctions imposed on us that seriously hinder the export of Russian food products and complicate transport logistics, insurance and bank payments.

Russia is being deliberately obstructed in the supply of grain and fertilizers abroad and at the same time we are hypocritically blamed for the current crisis situation on the world market. This has been clearly seen in the implementation of the so-called ”grain deal“ concluded with the participation of the UN Secretariat and initially aimed at ensuring global food security, reducing the threat of hunger and providing aid to the poorest countries.

We have repeatedly drawn attention to the fact that in a year under the deal, a total of 32.8 million tonnes of cargo has been exported from Ukraine, of which over 70 percent have reached high- and upper-middle-income countries, including the European Union. And only about three percent have gone to the least developed countries – that is, less than one million tonnes.

None of the terms of the so-called deal concerning the lifting of sanctions imposed on Russian exports of grain and fertilizers to world markets have been fulfilled. Obligations to Russia in this regard have been simply ignored. Even our free transfer of mineral fertilizers blocked in European ports has been obstructed. In fact, this is a purely humanitarian campaign that should not in principle be subject to any sanctions.

With these facts in mind, since July 18, we have refused to further extend the so-called deal. And we will be ready to get back to it, but only if all obligations to the Russian side are actually fulfilled.

I have repeatedly said that our country has the capacity to replace Ukrainian grain, both commercially and as free aid to needy countries, especially since our harvest is again expected to be perfect this year. As a first step, we have decided to gratuitously provide six African countries with 25‑50 thousand tonnes of grain each with free delivery of these cargoes. Negotiations with partners are being completed.

Among the priority areas of interaction we also see further coordination of approaches of the BRICS members on the subject of supporting small and medium-sized enterprises. This is an important part of the overall economic agenda of the Group of Five, which implies assistance to the widest circles of citizens engaged in business activity as regards administrative and tax regulation, digitalization, e-commerce, and participation in the value chains.

I would note that thanks to the state support programmes, the entrepreneurs from the BRICS countries successfully adapt to the constantly changing situation in the global markets. They find new partners and new sales channels, attract additional funding and use more actively modern technologies.

It is equally important to continue developing cooperation within BRICS in terms of decarbonizing the economy, reducing human impact on nature and adapting to the changing climate. Russia is ready to work jointly to promote more balanced approaches to the climate change in the international arena.

Our country is consistently implementing the National Low-Carbon Development Strategy. We plan to reach carbon neutrality of the Russian economy not later than 2060, including through the introduction of technological innovations, modernization of infrastructure for access to affordable and clean energy, conservation of ecosystems on land and sea. We understand that the implementation of the climate goals can be facilitated by a variety of technologies, including those that have been in use for a long time already, such as nuclear generation, hydropower and gas motor fuel.

To sum it up, I would like to reiterate that the multifaceted partnership and cooperation within the BRICS not only makes a significant contribution to ensuring the sustainable growth of our states but also generally promotes global economic recovery and successful achievement of global development goals and targets set by the United Nations – to fight poverty, expand people’s access to quality healthcare, eradicate hunger and improve food security.

Therefore, I am confident that the BRICS Business Forum and Business Council will continue their creative work aimed at expanding contacts between the business circles of the Group of Five countries and jointly implementing new mutually beneficial projects.

In conclusion, I would like to invite representatives of your countries’ business circles to attend the Eastern Economic Forum in Russia that will take place on September 10–13 in the city of Vladivostok, where, by tradition, the discussions will focus on issues that are also of interest to the business communities of the BRICS countries.

Thank you for your attention.

Publication date:

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Crucial Readings From the COMINTERN Archives: Lenin Exposes the Fraud of “Bourgeois Democracy” and Its Fake-Left Defenders

We are very pleased to present to our readers the following speech given by the great revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin to the First Congress of the Communist International, held in revolutionary Moscow in 1919.

Of course, the bribed historians in the employ of the capitalist class have spent the past century publishing lies about what the COMINTERN under Lenin was and what it represented; and have never ceased to publish slanders of the most monstrous kind about it.  In fact, the COMINTERN was created by the greatest  leaders of the working class up to their time in order to study, collate and publicize the hard-earned lessons learned by every failed and successful workers and peasants revolution – lessons written in the blood of the workers and peasants – so as to educate future worker and peasant leaders about the kinds of bloody treachery they could expect from their exploiters in the course of the various stages of their revolutionary struggles, and to thereby help future revolutions proceed with a minimum of sacrifice of the worker and peasant masses.

In this speech, the greatest theoretician of the Third International, Lenin, explains in layman’s terms the utter fraud of bourgeois “democracy” and the abject betrayal of every workers “leader” who worships it and who inculcates in the minds of workers and peasants a love of this totally fake form of democracy while at the same time attacking the establishment of a revolutionary “dictatorship of the proletariat” which is ESSENTIAL to the survival of any revolutionary socialist workers government that has successfully, temporarily overthrown a capitalist ruling class.  

This speech represents, politically, one of the political high-water-marks of the workers movement historically and as such should be required reading for every class-conscious worker and peasant on this planet; and it is a primary example of why truth-telling Lenin is so reviled by every shameless, bribed apologist for the exploitative, racist and misogynist mass-murdering capitalist class in the world.  Enjoy!

This speech can be found in the excellently-translated “THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, 1919-1943: DOCUMENTS SELECTED AND EDITED BY JANE DEGRAS; VOLUME I: 1919-1922

— IWPCHI

THESES ON BOURGEOIS DEMOCRACY AND PROLETARIAN
DICTATORSHIP ADOPTED BY THE FIRST COMINTERN CONGRESS

4 March 1919 Protokoll, i, p. 115

[These theses, written by Lenin, were adopted by the congress without discussion. In introducing them, as in his other speeches at the congress, Lenin expressed the belief, shared by the other delegates, that the capitalist world was rapidly approaching its end, and that the working class everywhere was moving towards revolution (he likened the shop stewards movement in England to the Soviets).  Unless the proletariat seized power, the problems created by the imperialist war and its aftermath could not be solved. The chief danger lay in the attempt of the reformist socialist parties to hold the workers back, and win them for a policy of bourgeois reconstruction and Wilsonian reforms, by appealing to their loyalty to the old socialist organizations, and their attachment to democratic procedures.

The main emphasis of the congress was not on the struggle against capitalism, but on the struggle against the right wing in the labour movement. Speaking three years later, at the June 1922 meeting of the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI), Zinoviev said: ‘We were splitters when the Comintern began its work. At that time we could not act otherwise. We had to split the old socialist parties, rescue the best revolutionary elements of the working class, form a rallying point for communist parties in every country. . . . The split was historically necessary; it was a great step forward, a means of winning the masses.’]

1. The growth of the revolutionary movement of the proletariat in all countries
has provoked the bourgeoisie and their agents in the workers’ organizations to
convulsive efforts to find theoretical arguments in defence of the rule of the
exploiters. Among these, particular emphasis is placed on the rejection of
dictatorship and the defence of democracy. The falseness and hypocrisy of this
argument, repeated in a thousand forms in the capitalist press and at the February 1919 Berne conference of the yellow international, is however clear to anyone who is unwilling to commit treachery to the principles of socialism.

2. In the first place, the argument uses abstract concepts of ‘democracy’ and
‘dictatorship’, without specifying what class is in question. Putting the question in this way, outside or above the class standpoint, as though it were valid as a
standpoint of the entire people, is downright mockery of the basic theory of
socialism, namely the theory of the class struggle, which is still recognized in words, it is true, by the socialists who have gone over to the camp of the bourgeoisie, but judging by their deeds is forgotten. For in no civilized capitalist country is there ‘democracy in the abstract’, there is only bourgeois democracy, and the question is one not of ‘dictatorship in the abstract’, but of the dictatorship of the oppressed class, that is, of the proletariat, over the oppressors and exploiters, that is, the bourgeoisie, in order to overcome the resistance put up by the exploiters in the effort to maintain their rule.

3. History teaches us that an oppressed class has never and can never come to
power without passing through a period of dictatorship, that is, without the conquest of political power and the forcible suppression of the most desperate and frenzied resistance, that shrinks from no crime, which is always put up by the exploiters. The bourgeoisie, whose rule is now defended by socialists who express hostility to ‘dictatorship in general’ and stand up body and soul for ‘democracy in general’, won their power in the civilized countries by a series of revolts, civil wars, the forcible suppression of monarchical rule, of the feudal lords and slave-owners, and of their attempts at restoration. Thousands and millions of times, in their books and pamphlets, their congress resolutions and speeches, socialists in every country have explained to the people the class character of these bourgeois revolutions. That is why the present defence of ‘bourgeois democracy’ in speeches about ‘democracy’, and the present outcry against the proletarian dictatorship in the clamour about ‘dictatorship’, is an outright betrayal of socialism, objectively a going over to the camp of the bourgeoisie, a denial of the right of the proletariat to its political revolution, a defence of bourgeois reformism, and this precisely at the historical moment when bourgeois reformism has gone to pieces throughout the world and
when the war has created a revolutionary situation.

4. By recognizing the class character of bourgeois democracy, of bourgeois
parliamentarianism, all socialists have articulated the ideas expressed with the
greatest scientific precision by Marx and Engels when they said that even the most democratic bourgeois republic is nothing but the instrument by which the
bourgeoisie oppress the working class, by which a handful of capitalists keeps the working masses under. There is not a single revolutionary or a single Marxist among those who now raise such an outcry against dictatorship and advocate democracy who has not loudly and solemnly sworn to the workers that he acknowledges this basic truth of socialism; but now, when ferment and movement have started among the revolutionary proletariat, aimed at breaking this machine of oppression and fighting for the dictatorship of the proletariat, these traitors to socialism present the case as though the bourgeoisie had made a gift of ‘pure democracy’ to the workers, as though the bourgeoisie renounced resistance and were ready to submit to a workers’ majority, as though in
the democratic republic there were no State apparatus for the oppression of labour by capital.

5. The Paris Commune, which everyone who wanted to be considered a socialist
extolled in words, for they knew that the working masses had a great and genuine sympathy with it, proved particularly clearly the historical conditioning and limited value of bourgeois parliamentarianism and bourgeois democracy, which are highly progressive institutions in comparison with the Middle Ages, but which in the epoch of proletarian revolution inevitably require to be changed from the ground up. It was Marx himself, who placed the highest value on the historical significance of the Commune, who in his analysis of it demonstrated the exploiting character of bourgeois democracy and bourgeois parliamentarianism, under which the oppressed class is given the right, once in several years, to decide which deputy of the possessing classes shall represent and betray the people in Parliament. It is now, when the Soviet movement which is seizing the entire world is carrying forward before all eyes the cause of the Commune, that the traitors to socialism forget the practical experience and the concrete lessons of the Paris Commune and repeat the old bourgeois rubbish about ‘democracy in general’. The Commune was not a parliamentary institution.

6. The significance of the Commune consists further in this, that it made an
attempt to destroy and utterly root out the bourgeois State machine, the apparatus of officials, court, army, and police, and to replace it by the self-governing mass organization of workers without any separation of legislative and executive powers. All bourgeois democratic republics of our time, including the German, which the traitors to socialism, making a mockery of truth, call proletarian, retain this bourgeois State apparatus. That proves once more, and clearly and unmistakably, that the outcry in defence of ‘democracy’ is nothing but defence of the bourgeoisie and their privileges of exploitation.

7. ‘Freedom of assembly’ can be used as an example of the demand for ‘pure
democracy’. Every class-conscious worker who has not broken with his class grasps immediately that it would be monstrous to promise the exploiters freedom of assembly in times and situations in which they are resisting their overthrow and defending their privileges. Neither in England in 1649, nor in France in 1793, did the revolutionary bourgeoisie guarantee freedom of assembly to the royalists and nobility when these summoned alien troops to the country and ‘assembled’ to organize an attempt at restoration. If the bourgeoisie of today, who have long since become reactionary, demand that the proletariat shall guarantee in advance that ‘freedom of assembly’ shall be assured to the exploiters regardless of the resistance the capitalists put up to their expropriation, the workers will only laugh at such bourgeois hypocrisy.

On the other hand the workers know very well that even in the most democratic
bourgeois republic ‘freedom of assembly’ is an empty phrase, for the rich have the best public and private buildings at their disposal, have also enough leisure for meetings, and enjoy the protection of the bourgeois apparatus of power. The
proletariat of town and country, as well as the small peasants, that is the
overwhelming majority of the population, have neither the first nor the second nor the third. So long as this is true, ‘equality’, that is, ‘pure democracy’, is a deception.  To win real equality, to make a reality of democracy for the workers, the exploiters must first be deprived of all public and private mansions, the workers must be given leisure and their freedom of assembly defended by armed workers and not by the offspring of the nobility or officers from capitalist circles in command of an intimidated rank and file.  Only after such changes is it possible to speak of ‘freedom of assembly’, of equality, without mocking the workers, the labouring people, the poor. But nobody can bring these changes about except the vanguard of the working people, the proletariat, by overthrowing the exploiters, the bourgeoisie.

8. ‘Freedom of the press’ is another leading watchword of ‘pure democracy’. But
the workers know, and the socialists of all countries have admitted it a million times, that this freedom is deceptive so long as the best printing works and the biggest paper supplies are in capitalist hands, and so long as capital retains its power over the press, a power which throughout the world is expressed more clearly, sharply, and cynically, the more developed the democracy and the republican regime, as for example in America. To win real equality and real democracy for the working masses, for the workers and peasants, the capitalists must first be deprived of the possibility of getting writers in their service, of buying up publishing houses and bribing newspapers. And for that it is necessary to throw off the yoke of capital, to overthrow the exploiters and to crush their resistance. The capitalists have always given the name of freedom to the freedom of the rich to make profits and the freedom of the poor to die of hunger. The capitalists give the name of freedom of the press to the freedom of the rich to bribe the press, the freedom to use wealth to create and distort so-called public opinion. The defenders of ‘pure democracy’ reveal themselves once more as defenders of the dirty and corrupt system of the rule of the rich over the means of mass education, as deceivers of the people who with fine sounding but thoroughly false phrases divert them from the concrete historical task
of liberating the press from capital. Real freedom and equality will be found in the system the communists establish, in which there will be no opportunity to get rich at the expense of others, no objective possibility of subjecting the press, directly or indirectly, to the power of money, where nothing will prevent the workers (or any large group of workers) from having and employing equal rights to use the presses and paper belonging to society.

9. The history of the 19th and 20th centuries showed us, even before the war,
what this much-praised ‘pure democracy’ really means under capitalism. Marxists have always maintained that the more developed, the more ‘pure’ democracy is, the more openly, sharply, and ruthlessly does the class struggle proceed, the more clearly does the oppression of capital and the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie come to light. The Dreyfus affair in republican France, the bloody collisions between striking workers and the mercenaries armed by the capitalists in the free and democratic republic of America, these and a thousand similar facts disclose the truth which the bourgeoisie try in vain to conceal, namely that in reality terror and a bourgeois dictatorship rule the most democratic republic, and come openly to the surface whenever it seems to the exploiters that the power of capital is endangered.

10. The imperialist war of 1914-18 exposed the true character of bourgeois
democracy, once and for all, even to the backward workers, even in the freest
republics, as the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. To enrich a group of German and English millionaires and milliardaires, dozens of millions of men were killed and the military dictatorship of the bourgeoisie established in the freest republics. This military dictatorship still exists in the Entente countries even after the defeat of Germany. It was the war, more than anything else, that opened the eyes of working people, tore the false tinsel from bourgeois democracy, and revealed to the people the whole pit of speculation and greed for profits during the war and in connexion with the war. The bourgeoisie waged this war in the name of freedom and equality; in the name of freedom and equality the war contractors enormously increased their wealth. No efforts of the yellow Berne international will succeed in concealing from the masses the exploiting character of bourgeois freedom, bourgeois equality, and bourgeois democracy, now finally exposed.

11. In Europe where capitalism has been most highly developed,
that is, in Germany, the first months of full republican freedom which followed the downfall of imperialist Germany, showed the German worker and the entire world the real class-content of the bourgeois democratic republic. The murder of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg is an event of world-historical significance not only because the best people and leaders of the truly proletarian communist
international perished tragically, but also because it finally showed up the class
character of the leading European State, of, it can be said without exaggeration, the leading State in the world. If prisoners, that is, people who have been taken under protection by the State power, can be murdered with impunity by officers and capitalists under a government of social-patriots, the democratic republic in which this can happen is a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Those who express indignation over the murder of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg but
do not understand this truth only demonstrate their obtuseness or their hypocrisy. In one of the freest and most advanced republics of the world, in the German republic, there is freedom to kill the imprisoned leaders of the proletariat and to go unpunished. And it cannot be otherwise so long as capitalism remains, for the development of democracy does not blunt but sharpens the class struggle, which has now, as a result of the war and its consequences, reached boiling-point.  All over the civilized world bolsheviks are being deported, persecuted, imprisoned; in Switzerland, one of the freest bourgeois republics, and in America, there are pogroms against the bolsheviks. From the standpoint of ‘democracy in general’, or ‘pure democracy’, it is simply ludicrous that progressive, civilized, democratic countries, armed to the teeth, should fear the presence of a few dozen people from backward, hungry, ruined Russia, described as savages and criminals in millions of copies of bourgeois newspapers. It is obvious that a social system which can give rise to such glaring contradictions is in reality a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

12. In such a state of affairs the dictatorship of the proletariat is not merely
wholly justified, as a means of overwhelming the exploiters and overcoming their
resistance, but quite essential for the mass of workers as their only protection against the bourgeois dictatorship which led to the war and is getting ready for new wars.  The chief thing which the socialists do not understand, a failure which reflects their intellectual shortsightedness, their dependence on bourgeois prejudices, their political treachery to the proletariat, is that when, in capitalist society, the class struggle on which it rests becomes more acute, there is nothing between dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and dictatorship of the proletariat. The dream of another, third way is the reactionary lament of the petty bourgeoisie. Proof of this can be found in the experience of more than a hundred years of bourgeois democracy and the workers’ movement in all advanced countries, and particularly the experience of the last five years. The same proof is furnished by economic theory, by the entire content of Marxism, which analyses the economic necessity of bourgeois dictatorship in every commodity economy, a dictatorship which can be abolished by none other than the class which through the development of capitalism itself develops and grows, becomes more organized and powerful, that is, by the class of proletarians.

13. The second theoretical and political mistake of the socialists is their failure to
understand that the forms of democracy have inevitably changed in the centuries
since it first appeared in the Ancient World, as one ruling class gave way to another.  In the republics of Ancient Greece, in the medieval cities, in advanced capitalist States, democracy has different forms and varying scope. It would be the greatest nonsense to assume that the most profound revolution in mankind’s history, the first transference of power from the hands of the exploiting minority to the hands of the exploited majority, could take place within the framework of the old bourgeois parliamentary democracy, without the greatest changes, without the creation of new forms of democracy, new institutions, new conditions for their use, etc.

14. The dictatorship of the proletariat is like the dictatorship of other classes in
that, like any dictatorship, it originates in the necessity of suppressing by force the resistance of the class which is losing its political power. The fundamental
difference between the proletarian dictatorship and the dictatorship of other classes, that of the large landowners in the Middle Ages and that of the bourgeoisie in all civilized capitalist countries, consists in this, that while the dictatorship of the large landowners and the bourgeoisie forcibly suppresses the resistance of the overwhelming majority of the population, namely the working masses, the dictatorship of the proletariat is the forcible suppression of the resistance of the exploiters, that is, of the minority of the population, the large landowners and capitalists.  From this it follows further that the dictatorship of the proletariat must inevitably involve not only a change in the forms and institutions of democracy, but change of a kind which results in an extension of actual democratic usages, on a scale never before known in the world, to the working classes whom capitalism enslaved.  And in fact the forms taken by the dictatorship of the proletariat, which have already been worked out, that is, the Soviet power in Russia, the workers’ councils in Germany, the shop stewards’ committees, and other analogues of Soviet institutions in other countries, all these make a reality of democratic rights and privileges for the working classes, that is, for the overwhelming majority of the population; they mean that it becomes really possible to use these rights and privileges in a way and on a
scale that was never even approximately possible in the best democratic bourgeois republic.

The essence of Soviet power lies in this, that the permanent and sole foundation
of the entire State power, of the entire State apparatus, is the mass organization of those very classes which were oppressed by the capitalists, that is, the workers and semi-proletarians (peasants who do not exploit labour and who are always forced to sell at least part of their labour). The masses, who even in the most democratic bourgeois republics, where in law they had equal rights, but in fact were prevented by a thousand ways and tricks from taking part in political life and making use of democratic rights and liberties, are now drawn into continuous, unhampered, and decisive participation in the democratic administration of the State.

15. The equality of citizens, regardless of sex, religious belief, race, nationality,
which bourgeois democracy always promised everywhere but in fact never carried out, and could not carry out because of the rule of capitalism, has been made a complete reality at one stroke by the Soviet regime, or the proletarian dictatorship, for only the power of the workers, who are not interested in private property in the means of production and in the struggle for their distribution and redistribution, is able to do this.

16. The old democracy, that is, bourgeois democracy and parliamentarianism,
was so organized that it was the working classes who were most alien to the
administrative machine. The Soviet power, the proletarian dictatorship, on the other hand, is so organized that it brings the working masses close to the administrative machine. The merging of legislative and executive power in the Soviet organization of the State serves the same purpose, as does the substitution of the production unit, the workshop or factory, for the territorial constituency.

17. The army was an instrument of oppression not only under the monarchy; it is
still that in all bourgeois republics, even the most democratic. Only the Soviet
power, as the only established State organization of the very classes oppressed by
the capitalists, is in a position to abolish the dependence of the military on the
bourgeois command and really fuse the proletariat with the military, to arm the
proletariat and disarm the bourgeoisie, without which the victory of socialism is
impossible.

18. The Soviet organization of the State is designed to give the proletariat, as the
class which was most concentrated and educated by capitalism, the leading role in the State. The experience of all revolutions and all movements of enslaved classes, the experience of the world socialist movement, teaches us that only the proletariat is in a position to unite the scattered and backward strata of the working and exploited population and carry them along.

19. Only the Soviet organization of the State is able to destroy, at one stroke and
completely, the old, that is, the bourgeois apparatus of bureaucracy and judiciary, which under capitalism, even in the most democratic republics, remained and had to remain, being in fact for the workers and the working masses the greatest obstacle to making democracy effective. The Paris Commune took the first world historical step in this direction, the Soviet regime the second.

20. The abolition of State power is the goal of all socialists, including and above
all Marx. Unless this goal is reached true democracy, that is, equality and freedom, is not attainable. But only Soviet and proletarian democracy leads in fact to this goal, for it begins at once to prepare for the complete withering away of any kind of State by drawing the mass organizations of the working people into constant and unrestricted participation in State administration.

21. The complete bankruptcy of the socialists who met in Berne, the complete
absence of understanding which they showed of the new, that is, proletarian
democracy, can be seen very clearly from the following. On 10 February 1919
Branting declared the international conference of the yellow international in Berne closed. On 11 February 1919 its members in Berlin published an appeal of the ‘Independents’ to the proletariat in Freiheit. In this appeal the bourgeois character of Scheidemann’s government was admitted. It was reproached for wanting to abolish the workers’ councils, which were called ‘bearers and defenders’ of the revolution, and the proposal was made to legalize the councils, to give them statutory rights, to give them the right to veto the decisions of the National Assembly and refer the question at issue to a national referendum.
Such a proposal reflects the complete intellectual bankruptcy of the theoreticians
who defend democracy and have not understood its bourgeois character. The
ridiculous attempt to unite the system of councils, that is, the proletarian
dictatorship, with the National Assembly, that is, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, finally exposes the mental poverty of the yellow socialists and social-democrats, and their reactionary petty-bourgeois policy, as well as their cowardly concessions to the irresistibly growing forces of the new proletarian democracy.

22. The majority of the yellow international in Berne, who condemned
Bolshevism but did not dare, for fear of the working masses, to vote formally for a resolution on these lines, acted correctly from the class standpoint. This majority is completely at one with the Russian Mensheviks and Social-Revolutionaries and with the Scheidemanns in Germany. The Russian Mensheviks and Social-Revolutionaries, who complain of persecution by the Bolsheviks, try to conceal the fact that this persecution was provoked by their participation in the civil war on the side of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat. In precisely the same way the Scheidemanns and their party in Germany took part in the civil war on the side of the bourgeoisie against the workers.  It is therefore quite natural that the majority of those attending the Yellow International in Berne should come out in favour of condemning the Bolsheviks. But that did not represent a defence of ‘pure democracy’; it was the self-defence of people who feel that in the civil war they are on the side of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat.  For these reasons the decision of the majority of the Yellow International must be described as correct from the class point of view. But the proletariat should not fear the truth, but look it straight in the face and draw the political conclusions which follow.  On the basis of these theses and having heard the reports of the delegates from various countries, the Congress of the Communist International declares that the chief tasks of the communist parties in countries where Soviet power is not yet established are:

1. To explain to the broad masses of the working class the historical meaning of
the political and practical necessity of a new proletarian democracy which must
replace bourgeois democracy and parliamentarianism.

2. To extend and build up workers’ councils in all branches of industry, in the
army and navy, and also among agricultural workers and small peasants.

3. To win an assured, conscious communist majority in the councils

For A Revolutionary Reorientation of “First World” Leninist/Trotskyist Parties Towards Winning the Leadership of the Revolutionary Struggles of Our Worker and Peasant Sisters and Brothers in the “Third World”

Seeing that I relocated to Los Angeles last November, partially in fruitless pursuit of a musical project with unlimited potential (N.B.: like Little Richard I have two primary motivations in my life; unlike Little Richard they are music and revolutionary socialist politics) and having already largely abandoned that vanity project once again in favor of revolutionary socialist activities, having finally reached revolutionary conclusions about the criticality of doing so politically, as a last resort I wanted to see how severe the summers are in LA before I decided to at least semi-permanently transfer operations out here.  Now having experienced most of the summer of 2023 and having found it to be much less oppressive than Chicago summers (though I DO miss those awesome, frequent thunderstorms!) I hereby declare the Independent Workers Party of Chicago to be “The Independent Workers Party of Los Angeles” for the foreseeable future.

The primary reason for moving revolutionary socialist operations from the relatively politically dead US Midwest to the west coast are:

1)  Closer proximity to the ongoing revolutionary movements in Mexico and Central and South America.  It is folly to focus our efforts on convincing the hardened slaves of the US working class to overthrow their brutal government that is murdering their class brothers & sisters all over the world 24/7/365.  The workers in the USA as they exist today are nothing but slaves as comfortable in their capitalist exploitation as slaves as were the vast majority of actual slaves in the USA before the Civil War – the same kinds of abject slaves who ratted out every potential slave rebellion leader from Nat Turner to Frederick Douglass.  The class consciousness of the vast majority of US worker-wage-and-debt-slaves is so low that to focus the majority of our efforts on reforming these imbeciles is a near-total waste of time.

On the other hand, the lack of support given by erstwhile revolutionary socialist parties in the USA to the highly class-conscious workers and peasants of Mexican and Central and South American revolutionary movements (as the tepid support given historically by the now senile Spartacist League from whence our party emerged and whom we can no longer give even tacit support to failed to do in spite of their superficially correct revolutionary Trotskyist programmatic declarations during the ’70s and ’80s) has left the heroic but almost entirely failed revolutionary movements of Mexico, Central America and South America of the past 50 years in the hands of counterrevolutionary Stalinist and Maoist leadership, depriving the workers and peasants of these countries of any Leninist/Trotskyist leadership worthy of the name.

From here on, the Trotskyist movement of the US and Europe must first and foremost seek to recruit revolutionary workers and youth of North America, and Europe, teach them the languages of Mexico, Central and South America, Africa and Oceania and prepare them politically to intervene in the revolutionary struggles of these weakest links in the capitalist chain in the world.   In doing this we will finally put into practice what we have theoretically understood since the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and re-confirmed in the Chinese Revolution of 1949: that in order to overthrow the primary capitalist nation-states of the world we must cripple them economically and politically by attacking their global interests at their weakest links in their chain of domination – NOT at their strongest links!  It is at the weakest links that the communist movement will have the greatest chances for success; and thereby we will rip out the capitalist system from its exposed belly upwards.

Of course, this does not mean that we should totally or even partially abandon our efforts to build strong revolutionary Leninst/Trotskyist vanguard parties in the so-called “First World” nation-states.  We must learn to walk and chew gum at the same time, so to speak.  But by providing our “Third World” sisters and brothers already risking their lives every day in armed revolutionary struggles in their “Third World” countries; by sending the most self-sacrificing youth of the “First World” to fight and die and help lead our sisters and brothers to victory in these revolutionary struggles – especially now, as the US and its NATO allies threaten to plunge the Northern Hemisphere into a WWIII nuclear holocaust – is the order of the day.  JOIN US!

IWPCHI